Tuesday, 30 September 2014

What is the Value of American Values in Africa?

american values 2“We did a whole lot of things that were right, but we tortured some folks; we did some things that were  contrary to our values. When we engaged in some of these enhanced interrogation techniques, techniques that I believe and I think any fair-minded person would believe were torture, we crossed a line. And that needs to be understood and accepted,” said President Obama at a press conference a couple of days ago.
President Obama offered his comments to blunt Congressional criticism following an inspector general's report which concluded that the CIA improperly scanned the computers of Senate staffers looking into allegations of enhanced interrogation techniques by that agency. He cautioned Americans “not to feel too sanctimonious in retrospect about the tough job that those folks had.” In the same breath, he instructed, “The character of our country has to be measured in part, not by what we do when things are easy, but what we do when things are hard.” 
The “torture” condemned by President Obama was initially launched under the auspices of former Vice President Dick Cheney, the architect of the “War on Terror”  and enhanced interrogation. The Bush Administration denied “enhanced interrogation”, which included such techniques as waterboarding, sleep deprivation, sensory bombardment by noise and light, prolonged isolation and sexual humiliation, among others, is torture. Recently, Cheney said, “If I would have to do it all over again, I would.”
The President’s remarks on torture got me thinking about the torturers attending the “U.S.-Africa Leaders” Summit. On August 5-6, President Obama has invited to the White House the “finest” practitioners of torture, corruption experts and master criminals against humanity from Africa to talk business and American investments (not human rights or American values). Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya, who is on trial with his deputy president William Ruto at the International Criminal Court on various counts of crimes against humanity,  is expected to attend. The roster of invitees reads like a rogues’ gallery of certified human rights violators including Paul Biya of Cameroon,  Blaise Compaore of Burkina Faso, Paul Kagame of Rwanda, Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo of  Equatorial Guinea, José Eduardo dos Santos of Angola, Idriss Deby of Chad and Yahya Jammeh of The Gambia. These wicked African criminals against humanity make the CIA’s practice of “enhanced interrogation techniques” look like a walk in the park.
Incredibly, President Obama calls these human rights scofflaws and crooks America’s “partners”.  President Obama exhorted, “The character of our country has to be measured in part, not by what we do when things are easy, but what we do when things are hard.” But how do we measure the character”  of our President? By his lofty words and catchy phrases or his inactions when things are hard” ?   If the old saying that “one can judge a man by the quality of friends he keeps” is true, does it necessarily follow that one can also judge a man by the quality of the “partners” he keeps?  When President Obama made partners” of African criminals against humanity,  did he cross the line  between decency and sleaze?  Should it not be “understood and accepted” that American values make no distinction between torturers in America and torturers in Africa?
I believe American business investments in Africa without morality breed only misery and thievery.  An American economic investment policy in Africa that is not anchored in human rights will only accelerate the endemic corruption on the continent and deepen the despair and agony of Africans. President Obama should realize that it is wholly insufficient to invest in African banks, dams, mines, rail lines, hotels and bricks and mortars without a moral foundation. After all, America is not China.  American values are not Chinese values.  President Obama said, “I believe in American exceptionalism, just as I suspect that the Brits believe in British exceptionalism and the Greeks…” That exceptionalism is built on the American values of liberty, egalitarianism, individualism, republicanism, populism and laissez-faire economics.
Even Adam Smith, the “father” of capitalism understood the utmost importance of a moral foundation and continued education in creating and maintaining a just, fair and harmonious society in a free enterprise system. He called it “mutual sympathy”, something without which a society would degenerate into immorality and amorality. It is  “mutual sympathy” that restrains and bridles the natural predation and avarice of the rich and powerful from ravaging the weak and powerless.  In American business investments in Africa, the moral foundation of “mutual sympathy” is and should always be human rights. I lament the fact that Africa, the cradle of humanity,  is today the graveyard of human rights.  
Does President Obama “truly believe” in “American values”? Which American values has he “betrayed” in “partnering” with African dictators?
In his book, the Audacity of Hope: Thoughts on Reclaiming the American Dream”, then-Senator Obama wrote:
We hang on to our values, even if they seem at times tarnished and worn; even if, as a nation and in our own lives, we have betrayed them more often that we care to remember. What else is there to guide us? Those values are our inheritance, what makes us who we are as a people. And although we recognize that they are subject to challenge, can be poked and prodded and debunked and turned inside out by intellectuals and cultural critics, they have proven to be both surprisingly durable and surprisingly constant across classes, and races, and faiths, and generations. We can make claims on their behalf, so long as we understand that our values must be tested against fact and experience, so long as we recall that they demand deeds and not just words… If we aren’t willing to pay a price for our values, if we aren’t willing to make some sacrifices in order to realize them, then we should ask ourselves whether we truly believe in them at all.
I am not sure what President Obama means when he speaks of “American values” or “our values”. He never quite spells them out. It is hard to know on which values he wants us  “to hang on”. Which values have “we” “inherited” or “betrayed”? Who has really betrayed American values: the “intellectuals and cultural critics” who “poke, prod and debunk” American values or the leaders who are not willing “to pay a price for our values”? What American values are we supposed to “test against fact and experience”? Can we “test against fact and experience” American values in Africa? For which values are we supposed to “pay a price” and make “sacrifices in order to realize them”? What American values do Americans “truly believe in”?
Is torture an American value? 
In a rare instance, President Obama, speaking at the United Auto Workers Conference in February 2012, offered a glimpse of his conception of American values. “Let me tell you, I keep on hearing these same folks talk about values all the time.  You want to talk about values?  Hard work -- that’s a value. (Applause.)  Looking out for one another -- that’s a value.  The idea that we're all in it together, and I'm my brother's keeper and sister's keeper -- that’s a value.”
American values I “truly believe in”
Americans have many great cultural values that I value highly and “truly believe in”.  A strong work ethic,  altruism and giving a hand up to those who are down are definitely signature American values. I think there are many great American values the President glibly omitted in his stump-like speech. Americans place a high value on individual freedom and individualism, which simply means they believe in the uniqueness and paramountcy of the individual person. They value highly individual initiative, individual expression and individual privacy. They value equality and an open society. They value science and technology. They believe in competition (they have a “USA #1 mentality”). They value and practice volunteerism and philanthropy. They believe in pragmatism and are achievement-oriented.  They are frank, open, and direct in their dealings.  I “truly believe” in these values.
However, there are other American values I believe in even more and am “willing to make some sacrifices in order to realize them.” The most important one is the rule of law. It simply means that law should govern a nation, not politicians. To paraphrase President Dwight D. Eisenhower, “The clearest way to show what the rule of law means to Americans in everyday life is to recall what is happening in much of Africa today where there is no rule of law.” I became a constitutional lawyer because I have an unshakable belief in the rule of law.
I am “willing to make some sacrifices in order to realize”, defend and protect the American values of freedom of speech, and of the press, the right of the people peaceably to assemble and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances, freedom from unreasonable searches and seizures, the right to counsel and against self-incrimination and so on. I “truly believe in” due process, the principle that before government takes a person’s life, liberty or property, it must comply with fair procedures and be guided by fundamental American values of fairness: The accused is presumed innocent until the government proves the accused’s guilt. The government bears the entire burden of proving the accused’s guilt beyond a reasonable doubt. The government may not interrogate a criminal suspect without informing the suspect of his/her right to remain silent and right to counsel during custodial interrogations, and so on.
I am also “willing to make some sacrifices in order to realize” the American values of representative government, limited government and federalism. I believe in a system of government where “ambition is made to counteract ambition”, there is constitutional separation of powers so that there is not a dangerous  concentration of power in the hands of one individual or branch of government. I believe in a system of government where there are checks and balances with an independent judiciary as the backbone of that system. I believe in a federal form of government that clearly delineates the powers of the national and sub-national governments.  In short, I have a worldview founded on the values of liberty, equality and human rights; and I am “willing to make some sacrifices in order to realize” them. .
Is it possible to form a “partnership” with African dictators if one “truly believes in” American values?
Over the past six years, we have heard a lot of talk about American values and many promises on human rights in Africa from President Obama and his Administration. “We will work diligently with Ethiopia to ensure that strengthened democratic institutions and open political dialogue become a reality for the Ethiopian people… We will work for the release of jailed scholars, activists, and opposition party leaders… We align ourselves with men and women around the world who struggle for the right to speak their minds, to choose their leaders, and to be treated with dignity and respect…. Africa’s future belongs to its young people… We’re going to keep helping empower African youth… Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions. We support strong and sustainable democratic governments…. America will be more responsible in extending our hand. Aid is not an end in itself… [Dictatorship] is not democracy, [it] is tyranny, and now is the time for it to end… America is watching…” All empty promises and cheap talk.
Edmund Burke, the British statesman and philosopher said, “Hypocrisy can afford to be magnificent in its promises, for never intending to go beyond promise, it costs nothing.” Talk of magnificent American values costs nothing to those who talk the talk and never have to walk the talk. However, talk of magnificent American values exacts an exorbitant price on those who listen to the talk and harbor deep in their hearts the audacity of hope that they will one day see those talking the talk in America walking the talk in Africa.
In the global “war on terrorism”, it may be necessary for the U.S. to partner with state terrorists. As between terrorists and state terrorists, state terrorists may be the lesser of two (d)evils for the Obama Administration. It is true that the politics of “anti-terrorism” has made for strange bedfellows of U.S. and African leaders. Having said that, I am exasperated watching the American people being flimflammed into believing that their tax dollars are supporting American values in Africa. I get completely bummed out watching hard-earned American tax dollars bankrolling ruthless and cunning African dictators who laugh straight to the bank to deposit their American tax dollars. But when I think about those miserable African-leaders-cum-panhandlers “enfolded in the purple of Emperors” making a beeline at the White House rubbing their palms and grinning ear to ear ready to pick up their foreign aid welfare checks in a couple of days, I just plain get pissed off!!!
“If we aren’t willing to pay a price for our values, if we aren’t willing to make some sacrifices in order to realize them, then we should ask ourselves whether we truly believe in them at all.” Senator Barack Obama.
“When the United States stands up for human rights, by example at home and by effort abroad, we align ourselves with men and women around the world who struggle for the right to speak their minds, to choose their leaders, and to be treated with dignity and respect. We also strengthen our security and well being, because the abuse of human rights can feed many of the global dangers that we confront -- from armed conflict and humanitarian crises, to corruption and the spread of ideologies that promote hatred and violence.” President Barack Obama.

Monday, 29 September 2014

Breaking news

ESAT Breaking News : Ethiopian Protesters In DC Control Embassy; Embassy Staff Fires At Them
Ethiopian Satellite Television and Radio (ESAT) has just reported that Ethiopian protesters residing in Washington DC, USA, “had entered and controlled the Ethiopian Embassy for a while”on September 29, 2014. The Embassy is located on 3506 International Dr NW, Washington, DC 20008 The protesters removed the flag that the current government had designed in 1994 to hoist the pure green, yellow and red Ethiopian flag with no symbols on it. The News report also stated that shots were fired against the protesters by a staff member of the Ethiopian Embassy. The City’s police are now in the Embassy and the 3506 International Dr NW has reportedly been closed, the report added.
A large number of Ethiopian political exiles live in the Washington area.
http://www.ethsat.com - Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) ESAT is the first independent Ethiopian Satellite Television service and Radio Station who broadcast to Ethiopia and the rest of the world
WWW.YOUTUBE.COM

Ethiopian-American Council Endorses Congressman Mike Honda for Reelection

San Jose, California, September 29 – Citing his past service and his concern for the rights and general welfare of all Americans – with a keen eye on immigrant and ethnic communities – the Ethiopian-American Council of North America (EAC) has decided to endorse the reelection of Michael M. Honda as Representative of the 17th Congressional District in the State of California.
The EAC is a grassroots policy advocacy organization, based in San Jose, California, that operates on the behalf of Ethiopian ethnic and immigrant communities across North America.
In a letter of endorsement to Mr. Honda, EAC cited the time in his youth that he had spent in an internment camp during World War II. EAC expressed hope that with people such as himself in office – those who have experienced prejudice and a consequent loss of rights – that something as egregiously wrong as the Japanese internment will never again happen to any immigrant or ethnic community in the United States of America.
The Ethiopian diaspora and the resultant ethnic and immigrant Ethiopian communities in North America are a result of actions similar to the Japanese internment, and others far more heinous – including the jailing and murder of free-press journalists and political activists – promulgated by the corrupt regime presently ruling Ethiopia.
The EAC partially based their endorsement of Mr. Honda’s reelection on answers to a questionnaire we had sent to his office. After considering his answers, and after some discussion, the EAC decided to lend as much financial and social support as they deem appropriate to ensure that Ethiopian-American voters, and any other citizens they are able to encourage, will go to the polls for Mr. Honda.
Many issues were raised in the questionnaire and Mr. Honda’s answers regarding those issues convinced EAC to endorse him as the one who will most likely help strengthen the Ethiopian community, and the 17th Congressional District in California at large, politically, socially, and economically. The points raised generally include:
  • His advocacy for social justice and giving a voice to those who do not have one.
  • His being a founder of the Congressional Ethiopia and Ethiopian-American Caucus while
continuing to fight for human rights everywhere.
  • His support of H.R.2003 – Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007, a bill that
would have directed the President to provide support for human rights in Ethiopia.
  • His securing of a legislative provision that promoted freedom of expression – specifically one
that objects to government harassment and restrictions on a free press in Ethiopia.
  • His desire to provide a meaningful path to citizenship for law-abiding undocumented
immigrants currently in the United States.
  • His awareness that a family-based system of immigration is key to ensuring that admission is
not based solely on education, wealth, or U.S. economic benefit.
  • His belief that immigrants have strengthened our nation’s social and economic fabric and that
it is unconstitutional and wrong to create a class of secondary citizens who have no right to
vote and no access to health care.
  • His commitment to engaging communities in civic service by providing leadership and
internship opportunities for interested individuals of all ethnicities.
  • His recognition of the need for leaders who have experienced and overcome injustice – who
understand what it means to have basic rights infringed upon solely because of status as a
minority.
EAC and other members of the Ethiopian-American community in the 17th Congressional District perceive they have a forward-thinking friend in Mr. Honda. EAC is interested in preserving Ethiopian heritage in America. EAC wants Ethiopian youngsters and other community members to be politically wise and socially responsible as they involve themselves in the processes of the United States. EAC sees the need for an entrepreneurially friendly environment to put the business acumen of many of its community members to the best and fullest use.
EAC has decided to put its trust in Mr. Honda by endorsing and working for his reelection to the House of Representatives in hopes of realizing these and other important community goals.
The Ethiopian Americans Council of North America (EAC) is a grassroots policy advocacy organization serving Ethiopian ethnic and immigrant communities across North America. 
The Ethiopian American Council
posted By Daneil Aleyu Zeleke

የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ወጣቶችና የነገረ ኢትዮጵያ አዘጋጆች መስቀልን ከህሊና እስረኞች ጋር አሳለፉ

የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ወጣቶችና የነገረ ኢትዮጵያ የዝግጅት ክፍል ባልደረባ መስከረም 18/2007 ዓ.ም (መስቀልን) ቃሊቲ ከሚገኙ ታሳሪዎች ጋር አሳልፈዋል፡፡ በወቅቱም አቶ በቀለ ገርባን፣ አቶ ኦልባና ሌሊሳን፣ አዛውንቱን ሲሳይ ብርሌን፣ አቶ ጉታ ዋቆንና ጋዜጠኛ ውብሸት ታዬን አግኝተዋል፡፡ ነገረ ኢትዮጵያ ከታሰሪዎቹ መካከል የተወሰኑትን መልዕክት እንደሚከተለው አቅርባለች፡፡
‹‹ህብረ ብሄር ፓርቲዎች ተጠናክረው የብሄር ፓርቲዎችን ማጥፋት አለባቸው›› አቶ በቀለ ገርባ
ከዝዋይ ወደ ቃሊቲ ከመጣሁ 11 ወራት ሆኖኛል፡፡ በህዳር ወር 2006 ዓ.ም ነው ወደ ቃሊቲ የመጣሁት፡፡ በአሞክሮዬ መሰረት ጥር 11 ቀን 2006 ዓ.ም መፈታት ቢገባኝም አሁንም ድረስ እስር ቤት ውስጥ እገኛለሁ፡፡ በወቅቱ በአሞክሮዬ መሰረት መፈታት እንዳለብኝ ለእስር ቤቱ ኃላፊዎች ደብዳቤ ጽፌ ነበር፡፡ ሊፉቱ ሲፈልጉ አስጠርተው ያነጋግሩሃል፡፡ ካልፈለጉ ደግሞ ዝም ይሉሃል፡፡ እኔ ደብዳቤ ብጽፍም አልተጠራሁም፡፡ ምክንያታቸውን ባላውቅም ሊፈቱኝ አልፈለጉም ማለት ነው፡፡ ግን በአሞክሮዬ ባለመፈታቴ አልተጎዳሁም፡፡ በርካታ ነገሮችን ተምሬበታለሁ፡፡ እንዲያውም የሚጎዱት እነሱው ራሳቸው ናቸው፡፡ በርካታ ታሳሪዎች አሳሪዎቹ ለቃላቸውም ሆነ በህጉ ተገዥ እንዳልሆኑ በእኔ ጉዳይ ተምረዋል፡፡ አሁን በመጋቢት ወር ዋናውን ፍርድ ጨርሼ እፈታለሁ ብዬ እጠብቃለሁ፡፡
እኔ የማምነው በባለሙያነቴ ነው፡፡ ፖለቲከኛ ነኝ ብዬ አላምንም፡፡ እንደዛም ሆኖ ግን እንደ ግለሰብ ፍትህን እሻለሁ፡፡ ስልጣን ላይ ማንም ይምጣ ማን ፍትህን የሚሰጥ ከሆነ ችግር የለብኝም፡፡ በሙያተኝነቴ ነው መቀጠል የምፈልገው፡፡ ነገር ግን ክፍቶች አሉ፡፡ ወደ ፖለቲካው የገባሁትም ክፍተቶችን በማየቴ ነው፡፡
ህብረ ብሄራዊ የሚባሉ ፓርቲዎች ለአብዛኛው ህዝብ ተደራሽ አይደሉም፡፡ የህብረ ብሄር ፓርቲዎች ድክመት ደግሞ የብሄር ፓርቲዎች እንዲፈጠሩ ምክንያት ሆኗል፡፡ በእነሱ መዳከም ነው የብሄር ፓርቲዎች በየ ቦታው ለመመስረት እድል የሚያገኙት፡፡ ህብረ ብሄር ፓርቲዎች የአንድን ማህበረሰብ ችግር ለመፍታት አቅም የላቸውም ብሎ ያሰበ አካል/ሰው እወክለዋለሁ በሚለው ማህበረሰብ ስም ፓርቲ ያቋቁማል፡፡ እኔም በዚህ ክፍተት ነው ወደ ፖለቲካው የገባሁት፡፡ ይህ ችግር ባይኖር ማህበረሰብን ከፋፍሎ ‹‹ይህኛው ፓርቲ የዚህ፣ ያንኛው ደግሞ የዚህኛው ማህበረሰብ ፓርቲ ነው›› ተብሎ እንዲከፋፈል ፍላጎት የለኝም፡፡
ህብረ ብሄራዊ ፓርቲዎች ቢጠናከሩ በአንድነት መታገልን የመሰለ ነገር የለም፡፡ ከአንዱ ዓለም አራጌ ጋር በታሰርንበት ወቅት ‹‹እናንተ ከተጠናከራችሁ እኛ እንጠፋለን፡፡ እናንተ ተጠናክራችሁ በብሄር የተደራጀነውን ማጥፋት አለባችሁ፡፡ ተጠናከሩና እኛን አጥፉን፡፡ ያኔ ሁላችንም በአንድነት እንታገላለን፡፡ ችግሮችም ይፈታሉ›› እለው ነበር፡፡ የህብረ ብሄራዊ ፓርቲዎች አለመጠናከር እንጅ ለዚህኛው አሊያም ለዛኛው ህዝብ ብዬ መስራት አልፈልግም፡፡ በአንድነት መስራትን የመሰለ ነገር የለም፡፡
ህብረ ብሄር ፓርቲዎች በአንድ በኩል በመረጃ እጥረት፣ በሌላ በኩል በስህተት፣ አሊያም አይቶ በማለፍ የአንድን ማህበረሰብ ችግር ችላ ይሉታል፡፡ ይህ ነው ተነጣጥሎ ለመታገል፣ ለብሄር ፓርቲዎች መበራከት ምክንያት የሆነው፡፡ ህዝብ መብቱ እስከተከበረለት ድረስ ማን መጣ ማን ትኩረት አይሰጥም፡፡ ህብረ ብሄር ፓርቲዎች መዳከም ግን የብሄር ፓርቲዎች ተደማጭነት እንዲያገኙ ምክንያት ሆኗል፡፡ አሜሪካን ለምሳሌ ብንወስድ ህዝቡ መብቱ እስከተከበረለት ድረስ ጥቁር መራ ነጭ ችግር የለበትም፡፡ የእኛ አገርም ጉዳይ ተመሳሳይ መሆን ይችላል፡፡ በዚህ ላይ እኛ ወንድማማቾች ነኝ፡፡
እኔ ህብረ ብሄር ፓርቲዎችን እወቅሳለሁ፡፡ እነሱ ከተጠናከሩ በየቦታው በተናጠል የሚደረገው ትግል ወደ አንድ ጠንካራ ትግል ይመጣል፡፡ እነሱ ከተጠናከሩ በተናጠል የሚደረገው ጭቆና ይቀንሳል፡፡ ክፍተት ባይኖርና ህብረ ብሄር ፓርቲዎች ለሁሉም ህዝብ መድረስ ቢችሉ እኔ በሙያዬ በቀጠልኩ ነበር፡፡ እንዲህ የምንታሰረውም እኩ ከድክመታችን የተነሳ ነው፡፡ ጠንካራ ህብረ ብሄራዊ ፓርቲ ቢኖረን እኮ እኛም አንተሰርም ነበር፡፡ ይህ ካልሆነ ግን የአገራችንን ችግር መፍታት አንችልም፡፡ በተናጠል ለጭቆና እንዳረጋለን፡፡ በተናጠል እንታሰራለን፡፡ በሂደት ጭቆናውን እየለመድነው እንሄዳለን፡፡ በዚህ ሁኔታ ለውጥ ማምጣት አንችልም፡፡
‹‹ኢትዮጵያ ጭንቅ ላይ እንዳለች እርጉዝ ሴት ነች›› አቶ ሲሳይ ብርሌ
የተፈረደብኝ 13 አመት ነው፡፡ ከታሰርኩ አራት አመት ሆኖኗል፡፡ እድሜየ 65 ደርሷል፡፡ እስር ቤት ውስጥ ችግር አለ፡፡ የእስር ቤቱን ኃላፊዎች የምናገኛቸው ህክምና ስንፈልግ ነው፡፡ ነገር ግን የህክምናው ጉዳይ ባይወራ ይሻላል፡፡ በጣም አስቸጋሪ ነው፡፡ በእርግጥ ውጭ ያለው ህዝብም በሰፊው እስር ቤት ውስጥ እንዳለ ነው የሚቆጠረው፡፡ ልዩነቱ የተሻለ ነፋስ ስለምታገኙ፣ ስለምትዘዋወሩና የፈለጋችሁትን ሰውም ስለምታገኙ ነው፡፡
እኛ እያረጀን ነው፡፡ ከእድሜያችን አንጻር በትግሉ ሂደት ብዙም የምንጨምረው ነገር ላይኖር ይችላል፡፡ እናንተ ወጣቶች ናችሁ፡፡ ለትግሉ መሰረት የምትጥሉበት ጊዜ አሁን ነው፡፡ ወጣትነት ለትግል ወሳኝ ጊዜ ነው፡፡ አባት ያላወረሰውን ልጅ ሊያስቀጥል አይችልም፡፡ እናንተ አሁን ለራሳችሁ ብቻ ሳይሆን ለልጆቻችሁም ጭምር ነው የምትታገሉት፡፡ እናንተ በርትታችሁ ካልታገላችሁ ልጆቻችሁ ምንም የሚወርሱት ነገር አይኖርም፡፡ አባት ያላወረሰውን ደግሞ ልጅ ምንም ነገር ሊያስቀጥል አይችልም፡፡ በመሆኑም እናንተ ከአሁኑ ለእውነት በመቆም ልጆቻችሁ የሚያስቀጥሉት ነገር መስራት አለባችሁ፡፡
ጭቆና እስካለ ድረስ እኔም ሆንኩ እናንተ ባንታገልም ጭቆናውን ለማስወገድ የሚነሳ ሰው አይጠፋም፡፡ እናንተን እድለኛ የሚያደርጋችሁ ጭቆናውን ለመግታት ፈልጋችሁ፣ በራሳችሁ ተነሳሸነት በመጀመራችሁ ነው፡፡
ጭንቅ ላይ ያለች እርጉዝ ሴት ካላማጠች አትገላገልም፡፡ ለእኔ ኢትዮጵያ ጭንቅ ላይ እንዳለች እርጉዝ ሴት ነች፡፡ ኢትዮጵያ አሁን ከሚደርስባት ስቃይ ለመገላገል ማማጥ አለባት፡፡ ያኔ ትገላገለዋለች፡፡ ለዚህ ደግሞ ትግል ያስፈልጋል፡፡ ወጣቶች መታገል አለባችሁ፡፡ ትግሉ ጥንካሬን ይጠይቃል፡፡ መጠንከር አለባችሁ፡፡
‹‹ተቃዋሚዎች በምርጫው ካላመኑበት ሁላችንም አንገባም ማለት አለባቸው›› አቶ ኦልባና ሌሊሳ
የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች ስለ ምርጫው ቀድመው መስራት አለባቸው፡፡ ምርጫ ስለመግባት አለመግባት ከመወሰናቸው በፊት ጠንክረው መስራት ይገባቸዋል፡፡ ውሳኔውን ከመወሰናቸው በፊት ውሳኔውን ተከትሎ ሊመጣ የሚችለውን ነገር ማሰብ አለባቸው፡፡ ይህ ጉዳይ ጥናት ያስፈልገዋል፡፡ ለውሳኔያቸው ደግሞ ተገዥዎች መሆን አለባቸው፡፡ አንዴ ከተወሰነ በኋላ ጠንካራ አቋም መያዝ አለበት፡፡ በህዝቡ አመኔታ ለማግኘት በውሳኔያቸው መጽናት አለባቸው፡፡ መወላወል አይገባም፡፡ ጊዜው እስኪደርስ ጠንክረው መስራት አለባቸው፡፡ በአንድ ወቅት 33 የሚባል ስብስብ ነበር፡፡ አሁንም ተባብሮ መስራት ያስፈልጋል፡፡ ለምርጫው በጋራ መስራት ያስፈልጋል፡፡
ተቃዋሚዎች በምርጫው መሳተፍ ለህዝብ የማይጠቅም መሆኑን ካመኑ እና መግባት የማያስፈልጋቸው ከሆነ በአንድነት ኃይልን አሰባስቦ ከምርጫው መውጣት ይቻላል፡፡ በምርጫው ካላመኑበት ሁላችንም አንገባም ነው ማለት ያለባቸው፡፡ በተናጠል ከምርጫው ራስን ማግለል ጥቅም አይኖረውም፡፡ በእርግጥ ይህ መወሰን ያለበት ጊዜው ሲደርስ ነው፡፡ እስከዛ ግን ጠንክረው መስራት አለባቸው፡፡
መጥታችሁ ስለጠየቃችሁን በጣም እናመሰግናለን፡፡ ውጭ ያለውን የቤት ስራችሁንም ጠንክራችሁ መስራት አለባችሁ፡፡
ነገረ ኢትዮጵያ በቀጣይ ጊዜያትም እስር ቤት ውስጥ የሚገኙትን ሌሎች ኢትዮጵያውያን መልዕክት ለማቅረብ ትጥራለች፡፡
Source: Negere Ethiopia
posted By Daneil Aleyu Zeleke

ሁሉም እስረኞች መብት አላቸው፡፡ አንዳንድ እስረኞች ግን .....................................................

ሁሉም እስረኞች መብት አላቸው፡፡ አንዳንድ እስረኞች ግን ከሌሎቹ የተለየ መብት አላቸው፡፡›› ጌታቸው ሽፈራው (ቃሊቲን እንደቃኘው)

ጌታቸው ሽፈራው (ቃሊቲን እንደቃኘው)
‹‹ እስረኞች መብት አላቸው፡፡ አንዳንድ እስረኞች ግን ከሌሎቹ የተለየ መብት አላቸው፡፡ አንዳንዶቹ ምንም መብት የላቸውም››
ዛሬ ወደቃሊቲ አቅንተን ነበር፡፡ የእነ አቶ በቀለ ገርባ፣ የአዛውንቱ ሲሳይ ብርሌ፣ የጋዜጠኛ ውብሸት ታዬ ምክር፣ ትንታኔና ተስፋ አንዳች ጥንካሬ ይሰጣል፡፡ የእነዚህ ታሳዎች ጥንካሬ ቃሊቲ እስር ቤት መሆኑን ሁሉ ያስረሳል፡፡
መጀመሪያ እነ በቀለ ገርባን ጠይቀን ነው ወደ ጋዜጠኛው ያቀናነው፡፡ ውብሸትን ለመጠየቅ ስናቀና የገቢዎችና ጉምሩክ ምክትል የነበረው ገብረወሃድ እስረኞች ከሚጠየቁበት ውጭ አንድ ጥግ ላይ ከቤተሰቦቹ ጋር ሰብሰብ ብሎ አየነው፡፡ እስረኞች ወደሚጠየቁበት ስናመራ የገቢዎችና ጉምሩክ ባለስልጣን ዳይሬክተር የነበረው መላኩ ፋንታና ጋዜጠኛ ውብሸት ታዬ ለመጠየቂያነት የተከለለው ቦታ ላይ ጎን ለጎን ቆመው ከቤተሰቦቻቸው ጋር እያወሩ ደረስን፡፡
ከውብሸት ጋር ለተወሰኑ ደቂቃዎች ካወራን በኋላ ይበቃል ተባለ፡፡ ገና ወደ ውብሸት ስንመጣ ከቤተሰቦቻቸው ጋር የነበሩት መላኩ ፋንታ አሁንም ከቤተሰቦቻቸው ጋር እያወሩ ነው፡፡ ገብረ ወሃድም እንደዛው፡፡ እንግዲህ በእስረኞች መካከል የሚፈቀደው የሰዓት ገደብም ይለያያል ማለት ነው፡፡ ለ‹‹አሸባሪ›› ጋዜጠኛ 10ና 20 ደቂቃ፣ ለ‹‹ኪራይ ሰብሳቢ›› ባለስልጣን ደግሞ የፈለገውን ያህል ጊዜ ይሰጣል፡፡
ያቆሰለኝ ግን ይህ አይደለም፡፡ ጋዜጠኛ ርዕዮት ዓለሙ ከእናትና አባቷ ውጭ በማንም አትጠየቅም፡፡ እህቷ እስከዳርና እጮኛዋ ጋዜጠኛ ስለሽ ሀጎስ ርዕዮትን መጠየቅ ይቅርና ወደ ግቢው እንዳይገቡ ተከልክለዋል፡፡ ውብሸትን ጠይቀን ስንወጣ ለመረዳት እንደቻልኩት እስረኞች ከሚጠየቁበት ውጭ አንድ ጥግ ይዞ ከቤተሰቦቹ ጋር ሰብሰብ ብሎ (ወንበርና ጠባብ ጠረጴዛ ነገር ቀርቦላቸዋል) በዓል እያከበረ የነበረውን ገብረወሃድ ብቻ አልነበረም፡፡ በእጮኛዋና በእህቷ እንዳትጠየቅ ከተደረገችው ርዕዮት ዓለሙ ጋር ታስራ የምትገኘው የገብረ ወሃድ ባለቤት ኮሎኔል ኃይማኖት ከባለቤቷና ከቤተሰቦቿ ጋር ሆና በዓል እንድታከብር ተፈቅዶላታል፡፡
የእኔ ጥያቄ ለምን እነ ገብረወሃድ ተፈቀደላቸው አይደለም፡፡ ነገር ግን ርዕዮት በእጮኛዋና በእህቷ እንዳትጠየቅ በተደረገችበት ወቅት እነ ገብረወሃድና ከርዕዮት ጋር ታስራ የምትገኘው ባለቤቱ ያለ ምንም የሰዓት ገደብ እንዲያውም እስረኞች ከሚጠየቁበት ክልል ውጭ በዓል እንዲያከብሩ መደረጉ ነው፡፡ በዚህም መሰረት ‹‹እስረኞች መብት አላቸው፡፡ ነገር ግን አንዳንድ እስረኞች ከሌሎቹ የተለየ መብት አላቸው፡፡ አንዳንዶቹ ምንም መብት የላቸውም›› የሚል ያልተጻፈ ህግ እንዳለ ያሳያል፡፡ ህግ በእንሰሳዊ ስልት ለሌቦች አድልታ ስለ እውነት ለቆመችው፣ በብዕሯ ለህዝብ ለማሳወቅ ለጣረችው ወጣት ፊቷን ስታዞር አበቃላት፡፡ ይህ ርዕዮት ላይ ሆኗል፡፡ በቃሊቲ፣ በኢትዮጵያ ፍትህ እንዲህ አብቅቶላታል፡፡
posted By Daneil Aleyu Zeleke

Thursday, 25 September 2014

ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝን ለመቃወም በኒውዮርክ ሰልፍ ተጠራ

EMF) በኒው ዮርክ የተባበሩት መንግስታት ስብሰባ እየተደረገ መሆኑ ይታወቃል። በዚህ ስብሰባ ላይ ለመሳተፍ የብዙ አገራት መሪዎች የተገኙ ሲሆን፤ የኢትዮጵያው ጠ/ሚ አቶ ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝም በዚሁ ስብሰባ ላይ ተገኝተዋል። በኒዎ ዮርክ የሚገኙ ኢትዮጵያውያንም በኢትዮጵያ መንግስት የሚደገውን ጥቁር ሽብር በመቃወም፤ ዛሬ ሃሙስ ከጠዋቱ 11፡00 ኤ.ኤም – 1፡00 ፒ.ኤም የሚቆይ የተቃውሞ ሰልፍ ለማድረግ ተዘጋጅተዋል። ለኢ.ኤም.ኤፍ የደረሰው መረጃ እንደሚያሳየው ከሆነ፤ ከላይ በተጠቀሰው ቀንና ሰአት ላይ የተቃውሞ ድምጽ ለማሰማት ኢትዮጵያዊያኑ በ47 Street & 1st Avenue መገናኛ ላእይ እንዲገኙ ጥሪ ቀርቧል።
posted By Daneil zeleke

Crimes Against Womanity: Marriage by Abduction in Ethiopia

The truth is stranger than fiction
In my September 7 commentary, DIFRET: The Abduction of a Film in Ethiopia, I expressed my outrage over the aborted Ethiopian premiere of the film DIFRET. That film, based on a “true story” of Aberash Bekele, tells the dramatic story of a teenage victim of the inhuman and barbaric practice of  “telefa” or “marriage by abduction/abduction of child brides” in certain parts of Ethiopia. The screening of that film in Addis Ababa on September 3 was halted seconds before it was scheduled to start. The director of  DIFRET, Zeresenay Berhane Mehari, took the stage and announced with consternation and dismay:
Distinguished guests, ambassadors, we were just told by the police that we have to stop this film because there is a court order on it. We have not been informed prior to this. The Ministry of Culture knows about this and the government knows about this. This is the first time we are hearing it. This is obviously an attack on us and I am really sorry for this to happen and I hope we’ll see you again…
The “attack” on DIFRET was only the latest assault on free expression in Ethiopia by the ruling regime in that country. A month earlier in August, six popular independent publications including Afro Times, Addis Guday, Enku, Fact, Jano, and Lomi were shuttered and dozens of journalists were jailed or exiled. In July, the regime jailed the “Zone Nine bloggers” (named after a cell block holding political prisoners at the infamous Meles Zenawi Kality Prison just outside of the capital Addis Ababa), after illegally detaining them for some  80 days.  In the same month, the regime arranged the abduction of Andaragatchew Tsgie, General Secretary of the Ethiopian opposition group known as Ginbot 7 Movement for Justice, Freedom and Democracy, in Yemen.
The pernicious institution of “marriage by abduction” (marriage by rape) in Ethiopia
“Marriage by abduction” is undoubtedly among the most barbaric acts of cruelty in the annals of human history. It is practiced in different forms in many parts of sub-Sahara Africa and South Asia. In its common occurrence in Ethiopia, the young abductor-suitor, usually accompanied by his friends, would stalk the girl of his choice and literally hunt her down like prey. The young men often on horseback would suddenly descend upon the girl as she returns from market, school or walking about doing chores. She may be alone or with friends. Her abductor-suitor with the aid of his friends would drag and load his human prize on his horse and gallop away to a secret location. There she is repeatedly raped by her abductor for days or weeks until she becomes pregnant. When she becomes pregnant, the abductor would claim her as his wife by virtue of the fact that she is carrying his child. The abductor may send elders to the girl’s parents to mediate and legitimize the marriage with offers of compensation in the forms of cash or a few heads of cattle. Though there are other means of “marriage by abduction” such as collusive elopement, they are far and few between. This barbaric practice act has been criminalized in Ethiopia but it still persists and thrives to this day because of official indifference.
Although there are no systematic epidemiological studies of the consequences of “marriage by abduction”, there is ample anecdotal evidence to show that the underage girls who are victimized by the practice suffer major psychological and physical trauma and undergo life-threatening obstetric health problems including fistula. They also face high risks of acquiring deadly sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/AIDS from the rape.    
charlotte metcalfeThe making of “Schoolgirl Killer”: The real tragic story of Aberash Bekele
The tragic story of Aberash Bekele, a teenage victim of “marriage by abduction” in Ethiopia, was told to a global audience in a 1999 documentary “Schoolgirl Killer” [click here to see the full 50-minute documentary]).  Charlotte Metcalfe, the director of the documentary said the decision to make “Schoolgirl Killer” came about fortuitously. In 1996, Metcalfe made a film about “child brides in Bahir Dar [Ethiopia] working closely with Original Georgis at the Ethiopian Women’s Lawyer’s Association in Addis Ababa [EWLA].” As she describes it, she “attended a four-year-old’s wedding (during which I filmed a distressing scene of the small child bride crying uncontrollably) and followed the nuptials of 11-year-old Nibret.” That documentary was “Young Wives’ Tales”, commissioned by the United Nations Fund for Population and won a UNICEF award.
Metcalfe became aware of Aberash’s case when she saw Aberash’s photograph in the office of  EWLA in Addis Ababa. Metcalfe subsequently met Aberash, and after long discussions Aberash agreed to take part in a documentary. “I then went back to the UK to raise the money to make it.  On board were Brian Woods, the multi-award-winning film-maker at True Vision [a British television, film and documentary production company that has won numerous international awards for its human rights-related films] as producer and David Pearson, Commissioning Editor at the BBC’s renowned Under The Sun,” said Metcalfe.
“Schoolgirl Killer” is at once gripping, engaging, mesmerizing, captivating, dispassionate and compassionate. Metcalfe is a consummate documentarian who is able to tell the tragic story of “marriage by abduction” with sensitivity, subtlety, sympathy and compassion. Metcalfe demonstrates her consummate craftsmanship as a documentarian by simply setting the stage for the various protagonists –  Aberash, her parents and siblings, the parents of Aberash’s abductor, community elders, the lawyers, judges —  to tell their story directly to the viewer. Metcalfe rolls the camera as the tragic story of the institution of “marriage by abduction” is told from a variety of perspectives. Indeed, it seems that the various protagonists in the story are directing the film as Metcalfe held the camera. She does not editorialize or advocate and is not even judgmental, which is extraordinarily difficult not to be under the circumstances. That style of film-making is what makes documentary powerfully persuasive, provocative and even shocking to the conscience.
After watching the film, the viewer is challenged to react; but how does one react to a tragedy whose origins are lost in the fog of history and tradition but must be stopped before it replants its virus and destroy the coming generations of young Ethiopian girls and women? My reaction to “Schoolgirl Killer” was outrage against that institution as a monumental  violation of human rights followed by a commitment to campaign for its eradication from the face of the earth. I do not overestimate myself. As Marian Wright Edelman, founder of the Children’s Defense Fund said, “You just need to be a flea against injustice. Enough committed fleas biting strategically can make even the biggest dog uncomfortable and transform even the biggest nation.”
Metcalfe is “delighted that Aberash’s story has gained worldwide attention” and turned into a “a major movie [winning] great acclaim and prizes at the Sundance and Berlin Film Festivals.” But she is “saddened that there seems to be squabbling over who ‘owns’ the story.”  Metcalfe  “deeply believes that the story told in Difret is primarily Aberash’s story” and that any promises of financial compensation made to her should be honored. “After all, it was her courage and astonishing resilience at such a young age that makes the story so compelling.”
Metcalfe also noted that it is “wrong not to credit Schoolgirl Killer with bringing [Aberash’s] story to the public’s attention 15 years ago…  The production team and I worked very hard to turn this story into a film that we remain very proud of and we would appreciate being credited for forming the foundation for the story that Difret is based on.”
It is regrettable “Schoolgirl Killer” has not received the credit and acclaim it deserved in Ethiopia and throughout Africa. In my view, the documentary stands as an enduring and vital contribution to the cause of women’s human rights in Africa and elsewhere in the world.
 The “schoolgirl killer”: Aberash’s Story
Aberash’s story takes place in the town of Asela, the regional capital of Arsi, some 165 km away from the capital Addis Ababa. (But it could have taken place just as easily and as flagrantly in any other part of Ethiopia, including a few kilometers outside the capital.) Aberash is walking home from school with her friends one day when she is  corralled by a seven-man group of horsemen led by Gemechu Kebede, a 29-year old man hunting for a wife. Gemechu and his friends snatch Aberash and spirit her away to Gemechu’s family hut on the outskirts of the village where she is held captive. As Aberash describes it, it was as though she had come face to face with the “Seven Horsemen of the Apocalypse”. Her account of her ordeal is so nightmarish one could only imagine it happening in the days of the proverbial Caveman who would hunt down the female of his choice, slug her over the head with a club, drag her by the hair to the cave, rape her and emerge triumphantly beating his chest and announcing to the applause of fellow Cavemen that he has finally bagged his own Ms. Cavewoman.
posted By Daneil Aleyu Zeleke

Sunday, 14 September 2014

አኝዋክ ጀስቲስ ኦሞት ኦባንግን ለፍርድ ያቀርባል!!

MDG : Anuak Village in Southern Ethiopiaከአኝዋክ ጀስቲስ ካውንስል የተሰጠ መግለጫ
የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ፍረድህ ምንድነው?
የህወሃት ፍጹም ታማኝ ነበር። በተለያዩ ሃላፊነቶች በህጻናት፣ በወንድሞቹ፣ በእህቶቹ፣ በእናቶቹ፣ በአባቶቹ አጠቃላይ በኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ላይ በሰራው ወንጀል በህግ ይፈለጋል፣ በህግ የሚፈልጉት ኢትዮጵያዊያን ብቻ ሳይሆኑ ዓለም አቀፍ የፍትህና የመብት ተሟጋቾች ናቸው። ህወሃትን ክዶ በስደት ከሚገኝበት አገር እጁን እንዲሰጥ ጥሪ ቀርቦለታል። ይህ “ሰው” በጋምቤላ ክልል የፖሊስና የጸጥታ ሃላፊ የነበረ። የደህንነት አመራር ነበረ። ክልሉን በፕሬዚዳንትነት ለዓመታት የመራ፣ በጅምላ ለተጨፈጨፉት የአኝዋክ ንጹሃን ደም ቀዳሚ ተጠያቂ ነው ኦሞት ኦባንግ !!
ኦሞት በዴሰምበር 13/ 2003 በጅምላ ጄኖሳይድ ለተፈጸመባቸው ከ424 በላይ የአኝዋክ ንጹሃን ዜጎች ፣ በአስር ሺህ የሚቆጠሩ ዜጎች ስደት፣ መረታቸው በግፍ ለተነጠቁና በጠመንጃ ለተፈናቀሉ ዜጎች ግንባር ቀደም ተጠያቂ መሆኑን ከአገራችን የቀበሌ ነዋሪ ጀምሮ እስከ ዓለም አቀፍ ደረጃ በማስረጃ የሚታወቅ ነው። ኦሞት በጋምቤላ ለፈሰሰው የንጸሃን ደም ” ነጻ” ሊሆን የሚችልበት አንድም አግባብ የለም። ድርጅታችን አኙዋክ ጀስቲስ ኦሞትን ፍትህ አደባባይ እንደሚያቆመው ቅንጣት ያክል የማይጠራጠረውም ለዚህ ነው። ከተሰወረበት ፊሊፒንስ አድኖ ለመያዝ አስፈላጊው ስራ እየተሰራ ነው።
ጄኖሳይድ ዎች ፣ የሂውማን ራይትስ ዎችና ከአኝዋክ ጀስቲስ ጋር አብረው ሲሰሩ የነበሩት የአይ ሲሲ / የዓለም አቀፉ የወንጀለኞች ፍርድ ቤት ጠበቆች/ በጋራ ኦሞት ኦባንግን ህግ ፊት ላማቅረብ እየሰሩ ነው። ኦሞት ከተሰሰገበት ፍሊፒንስ ወጥቶ ህግ ፊት እንዲቀርብ የሚደረገው ግፊት ባየለበት በአሁኑ ሰዓት የኦሞት አደባባይ ወጥቶ ” ታጋግሎ አታጋይ” ለመሆን መወሰኑ ዜና የሆነበት ምክንያት አልገባንም።
“የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ፍረድ፣ ፍርድህ ምንድን ነው?” ብለን ስንጠይቅ በህዝብ ዘንድ ያለውን የፍትህ ጥማት ዘንግተን አይደለም። እንደ ኦሞት አይነት በደምና በሙስና የተጨማለቀ ሰው ራሱን ነጻ ለማድረግ የሚናዘዘውን ኑዛዜ በጥንቃቄ እንድትመለከቱት ስለምንፈልግ ነው። ኦሞት ለኢሳት ከሰጠው መግለጫ ላይ ተቀንጭቦ ” በሰበር ዜና” በተላለፈው መልዕክት ” ኦሞት ወያኔን ለመታገል መወሰኑንና፣ በአኝዋክ ንጹሃን ዜጎች ላይ የተፈጸመውን ጭፍጨፋ አስመልከቶ ወንጀሉን የፈጸሙትን ክፍሎች ዝርዝር ሰጥተዋል” መባሉን ሰምተናል።
ኦሞት ኦባንግ ከክልል ፕሬዚዳንትነቱ ተነስቶ ወደ ፌደራል ጉዳዮች ሚኒሰትር ዳዔታነት ከተዛወረ በሁዋላ አገር ጥሎ እንደኮበለለ አስቀድሞ ሊያነጋግረን ሞክሮ ነበር። ወያኔንን ለመታገል መወሰኑን ገልጾልን ነበር። አስፈላጊውን መረጃ ለመስጠት ተማጽኖንን ነበር። በዓለም ዓቀፍ ደረጃ የተመሰረተበትን ክስ እንድናጠራለት/ ነጻ እንድናደርገው ሊማጸነን ሞክሮ ነበር። እኛ ግን እሱን ህግ ፊት ከማቅረብ የዘለለ ሃሳብና ፍላጎት ስላልነበረን ” እጅህን ለፍትህ ስጥ” የሚል መልስ ነበር የመለስንለት። “የዓለም ዓቀፉ የወንጀለኞች ፍርድ ቤት ቀርበህ ተናዘዝ” ነበር ያልነው ።
ትናንት በወገኖቹ ደም አጥንት ላይ ቆሞ ሲደንስ፣ በኢህአዴግ መገናኛዎች ላይ የወገኖቹን ነብስ ሲረግም የነበረ ወንጀለኛ በየትኛውም መስፈርት ለወገኖቹ ነጻ መሆን ይታገላል ብለን አናምንም። መታገልም ከፈለገ ራሱን ቅድሚያ ህግ ፊት አቅርቦ ነጻ ሊያደርግ ይገባል የሚል አቋም አለን። ትግል የሚመራው ስብዕና ባላቸውና በህዝብ ዘንድ ከበሬታ ባላቸው ወገኖች በመሆኑ አቶ ኦሞት ዲያስፖራውም ለመቀላቀል ያቀረበውን ምልጃ አበክረን እንቃወማለን። ዳግም ጄኖሳይድ አንለዋለን። በዚሁ መነሻ ጥንቃቄ ሊወሰድ እንደሚገባም እናሳስባለን። በቅርቡ ይፋ በሚሆነው የህግ አካሄድ ሁሉም ነገር ስለሚገለጥ ከሁሉም ወገን ማስተዋል ሊኖር እንደሚገባ ደግመን ደጋግመን ለመግለጽ እንወዳለን። እውነታው እየታወቀ እንደ ኦሞት ኦባንግ ካለ ወንጀለኛ ጋር ተባብሮ መሰራት የወንጀሉ ሰላባ የሆኑትን ንጹሃን የመካድ ያህል ሆኖ ይሰማናል። እንደ ኦሞት አይነት ወንጀለኞችን ወደ ትግል ማግበስበስ ኪሳራ ከመሆን እንደማያልፍ እናስገነዝባለን። ሳይውል ሳያድር እናየዋለን።
ኦሞት ኦባንግ በአኝዋክ ጭፍጨፋ ላይ እጃቸው አለበት የተባሉትን ሰዎች ሰም ዝርዝር መስጠቱ ተጠቁሟል። ድሮ ህግ ላይ ቀርቦ በማስረጃነት ሚዛን ደፍቶ መለስ ዜናዊ እንዲከሰስ ያስፈረደው ሰነድ ከመዘጋጀቱ በፊት ይህንን መሰሉ ትብበር ቢኖር በመጠኑም ቢሆን ባደነቅን ነበር። ዛሬ ሁሉም መረጃዎች ህዝብና ህግ ዘንድ ቀርበው ፍት በሚጠበቅበት ወቅት ላይ ጩኸት ከቶውንም አይገባንምና ኦሞት ኦብንግ መጀመሪያ ራስህን ነጻ እንድታደርግ እንመክርሃለን። ራስህን ሳትገደድ ለህግ አስረክብ!! ከዚህ ውጪ አሁን ማስተባበያ ማቅረቡ ጊዜው አይደለም። ለሂውማን ራይትስ ዎች የሰጠሃቸውን የጽሁፍ መልስ አንተነትህን ሊሸሽግ አይችልምና ካለህበት ታድነህ ህግ ፊት ከመቅረብህ በፊት ጊዜውን ተጠቀምበት።
ከአኙዋክ ጀስቲስ ካውንስል ጋር
መስከረም 13 ቀን 2014

DIFRET: The Abduction of a Film in Ethiopia By Prof. Al Mariam

What is the difference between the abduction of a young girl in a village and the “abduction” of a film by a young filmmaker in a capital city?
“DIFRET” is an Amharic language feature film based on a “true story” of a teenager named Hirut (Tizeta Hagere, depicted in Sundance poster above) who is a victim of the inhuman and barbaric practice of “telefa” or abduction of “child brides” in certain parts of Ethiopia. (The word “difret” has multiple meanings including “courage”, “the act of raping a woman and  dishonoring her,  and “insolent audacity”.) The film is written and directed by Ethiopian filmmaker Zeresenay Berhane Mehari and executive produced by Angelina Jolie. DIFRET won the 2014 Audience Award at both the World Cinema Dramatic competition at Sundance Film Festival and the Berlin International Film Festival. The film has been screened in various locations in the U.S., Europe, South Africa, Israel and Australia. (For a fascinating YouTube discussion of DIFRET with filmmaker Zeresenay and commentary by extraordinary young Ethiopian women and others, click here.)
According to a review in Variety, DIFRET is the story of a teenage girl who was “walking home from school one day [when] she’s abducted by seven armed men, one of whom had already been refused her hand in marriage. Locked in a hut, she’s raped that night by her ‘suitor,’ then manages to escape the next day with his rifle; in terror, she shoots him dead when cornered. And no matter that Hirut has been raped and beaten, local justice decrees that she be executed for murder (then buried with her victim).” (The barbaric crimes of “telefa” or abduction and rape of teen girls and child marriages are tolerated and condoned not only in parts of Ethiopia but also in many other parts of Africa. (Fifteen of the 20 countries with the highest rates of child marriages are in Africa.)  Meaza Ashenafi (Meron Getnet), an indefatigable lawyer who had founded her own legal aid group takes up Hirut’s legal defense. The film is said to show the underlying tension between civil and customary law and the subjugation of rural women in certain parts of Ethiopia.
By all accounts, the film is not at all political or critical of the regime in Ethiopia today. It does not sideswipe or portray the regime in bad light. According to the Sundance Film Festival, “Ethiopian-born writer/director Zeresenay Berhane Mehari portrays, with panoramic beauty, the complexity of a country’s transformation toward equal rights, featuring the courageous generation that dares to own it.”  A review in the Huffington Post observed that the film depicted the way in which Hirut and her lawyer Meaza, “succeeded in their legal challenge to telefa, the ancient Ethiopian practice of abduction into marriage. The film about Hirut’s case marks a courageous moment that opened a new and better chapter in Ethiopian history.”
Zeresenay  In March 2014, filmmaker Zeresenay explained why the Ethiopian premiere was delayed for several months. It appears Zeresenay wanted to have the world premiere of DIFRET in Ethiopia but was completely overtaken by the sudden and wide international acclaim the film received from the very beginning. Zeresenay explained:
[We] finished cutting the film in the winter [January 2014] and right after that we were accepted at Sundance; and we had to go to Sundance. And five days later, we were in Berlin. So we didn’t have time to actually go to Ethiopia because we wanted to do it proper… Proper means actually having an opening, a premiere, acknowledging the actors, the people who helped make the film, and inviting people that are interested in the media and film and people close to this issue.
Zeresenay kept his word and arranged for a “proper Ethiopian premiere” in September 2014, but he was completely blindsided to the oncoming train wreck.  He had simply underestimated the bottomless depravity and vengefullness of the thug regime in Ethiopia. In an interview with film director Roger Ross Williams at the Sundance Film Festival in January 2014, Zeresenay was asked if he was concerned about the potentially controversial nature of DIFRET if shown in Ethiopia, implying that it could be banned. Zeresenay was fully confident there would be no problems at all.
Williams: This is a serious issue [child bride abductions], a complicated issue. It is probably going to be controversial in Ethiopia.
Zeresenay: This is a true story that happened and the people have participated and voiced their opinions when the case was televised and on the radio and in the newspapers every day.  I don’t think we are going to have any trouble in bringing the story alive again. It is not even a concern for me. If it would be a concern, the only thing that I might think will be a little bit of a challenge for us is to be able to have the audience get into a different style of film making… I have a good feeling about it.
Zeresenay simply did not understand the perverted thug mind. He naively believed the thugs in power in Ethiopia operate in a rational mindset and will actually let him show his film in the country. He was overly optimistic.  So the young Ethiopian filmmaker was left to contemplate the wisdom of the verse of the old Scottish poet Robert Burns: “The best laid schemes of Mi
poseted By Daneile Zeleke

Saturday, 6 September 2014

Ethiopia's Meles Zenawi: Legacies, memories, histories

Distorted rhetoric and commemorative acts seek to obfuscate the true dictatorial legacy of Ethiopia's late leader.
August 20 marked the second anniversary of the death of Ethiopia's long-time leader, Meles Zenawi. Two years on, the Zenawi phenomenon is still as divisive as it is unsettling. For his supporters, Zenawi is a statesman and a visionary leader that represents not only the hopes and aspirations of "the new Ethiopia" but also "the African renaissance". For those who were excluded and marginalised under his rule, Zenawi is the symbolic personification of a tyrannical system that violently quashed their desire for freedom and justice. Still for others, he is a complex figure that condenses within himself the qualities of a political genius and a seasoned dictator. In the words of The Economist: "the man who tried to make dictatorship acceptable."
Two years on, the spectre of Zenawi hangs over the Ethiopian state. His name, his policies, and his visions still provide the cement that keeps together the ideological edifices of the Ethiopian state. His successors elevate him to a pure symbol, take pride in and identify with his legacies. The constant invocation of Zenawi by regime officials gives the impression that the entire social and political order of the state is predicated on the image and imagery of a single man. The "Meles Legacy" has become a grand memory work - an archive that condenses within it a great many different things for a great many different people.
Legacy and the politics of archives
Zenawi now belongs to the archives. But archives are pivotal - "great historical watchtowers" or "observation posts" from which we can access and observe the past. In archives, we see the random elements and the minute details of our identity. Archives are not just about remembering and understanding the past. In fact, at stake in every recounting of the past is not the past as such; it is the future. In his seminal essay, "Archive Fever", French philosopher Jacques Derrida observes , the question of the archive is "a question of the future, the question of the future itself, the question of a response, of a promise and of a responsibility for tomorrow. The archive: if we want to know what that will have meant, we will only know in times to come." To speak about Zenawi's archives, then, is not to speak about the past: It is about the future.
But archives are contested spaces: They not only conserve but also produce and reproduce. Far from being neutral voids in which facts and events are placed, archives are active agents that participate in the production and reproduction of meaning. For every archive, there are counter-archives. For every narrative, there are counter-narratives. It is precisely for this reason that Zenawi's legacy has become such an important site of political struggle in Ethiopia today.
Zenawi's archives
As a man who played the single most important role in Ethiopia's history of the last two decades, Zenawi is a giant in that archive. When asked by Al Jazeera's Andrew Simmons about the legacy he leaves behind, Zenawi said, "I would like to be remembered as someone who got Ethiopia off to a good track, democratic one, […] where Ethiopia's proverbial poverty begins to be tackled in an effective way; I would like to be remembered as someone who has started the process."
During his funeral ceremony two years ago, his successor, Hailemariam Desalegn called him a " visionary", an "intellectual", and a "technocrat" who has been " working for the renaissance Ethiopia and Africa". Jacob Zuma of South Africa called him " one of the greatest sons of the continent" while Paul Kagame of Rwanda recognised his unreserved support in the fight to end the Rwandan genocide and praised his "humble", "simple" but "meaningful life " . The most notable eulogy was delivered by then US Ambassador to the United Nations, Susan Rice, who depicted a rather erudite and progressive image of Zenawi. Rice spoke of "his world-class mind" : " he wasn't just brilliant. He wasn't just a relentless negotiator and a formidable debater. He wasn't just a thirsty consumer of knowledge. He was uncommonly wise." In many ways, he has built international reputation for himself as "the voice of Africa", and the West's key ally on "the war on terror".
Whatever the truth of these eulogies, Zenawi's domestic credentials are absolutely dismal . For the last two decades, Ethiopia consistently ranked as one of the most repressive states in the world. Susan Rice's own State Department chronicled a consistent pattern of grave violations of human rights including torture, arbitrary killings, restrictions on freedom of the press and expression, denial of religious freedoms, and the politicised use of its notorious anti-terrorism legislation. Contradicting her own government's documented practices of torture and other grave human rights violations, Rice's eulogies slips into an agonising denial that flies in the face of the facts .
Rice exploits the grandeur of US power and its enunciating force to rework the history of repression and torture. This reworking, as the Philosopher Michel Foucault says , functions to "ensure that the greatness of the events or men of the past could guarantee the value of the present". However, history cannot remain reworked. As Walter Benjamin's messianic but sublime insight reveals: " The past carries with it a temporal index by which it is referred to redemption. There is a secret agreement between past generations and the present one. Our coming was expected on earth."
Zenawi's counter-archives
Zenawi was a paradoxical figure who embodied the traits of a brutal dictator and a politico-economic genius, both unified in one. Just before the 2010 election in which Zenawi won 99.6 percent of the seats, Andrew Simmons sought an explanation for these two faces: "There are . . . those who say that you have two faces, you have a face for Davos, charming, a progressive and you have another face, which is totalitarian and repressive; how do you respond to that?" Zenawi's answer was misleadingly simple: "As far as I am concerned, what you see is what you get. No two faces, just one."
Those who are deprived of the means of narrative production by Zenawi see him as a man who used his omnipotent power and his knowledge of the politico-military complex to eliminate the very conditions under which alternative ideas and competent political operators could emerge. It is not simply that he built a system around himself, but deliberately established himself as the only leader able to supply the cement necessary to hold together the nation's internal ruptures. He might have helped Ethiopia achieve rocketing economic progress but this progress came at a cost of two decades of terror and repression.
The relentless memorialisation of Zenawi's legacy conceals, misrecognises, misrepresents, de-historicises, and ultimately erases the fundamental relationships of domination and inequality instituted by the order minted by Zenawi. Theses obsessive commemorative practices , i.e. events, parks, monuments, and institutions built up to remember and commemorate Zenawi have the purpose and effect of transforming everything about Zenawi into "a dazzling action" that can be appropriated by the order he founded and the sovereignty he left behind. It has the goal of transcribing his deeds into a discourse that ensures the sedimentation of these utterances into common-sense knowledge, into that which remains when everything is forgotten. This, then, is what is at stake in the struggle over the legacy of Meles Zenawi.
No doubt the darling of the West who outmanoeuvred his adversaries, Zenawi's domestic reputation is radically at odds with his international stature. In the eyes of his people, Zenawi was irredeemably authoritarian.
--
Awol Kassim Allo is Fellow in Human Rights at the London School of Economics and Political Science.

posted BY Daneil Aleyu Zeleke