Monday, 1 September 2014

The Game of Thrones in Ethiopia By Prof. Al Mariam

The Game of Thrones in Ethiopia By Prof. Al Mariam

game_of_thrones101409081627In the “Game of Thrones”, (the book from which the internationally popular television series of the same name is adapted), rival lords among the ruling families clash violently to take over the kingdom of the Iron Throne. The internecine warfare rages on as the kingdom faces threats from otherworldly creatures. One of the battling lords in the story observes, “The common people pray for rain, healthy children, and a summer that never ends. It is no matter to them if the high lords play their game of thrones, so long as they are left in peace. They never are.” Another lord plaintively asks, “Why is it always the innocents who suffer most, when you high lords play your game of thrones?” 
Ethiopia’s own game of thrones is in full swing today behind the scenes as ordinary Ethiopians pray for rain, healthy children and peace. They ask, “Why is it always the antelopes who suffer most when hyenas and warthogs fight? For the “lords” fighting to capture the Paper Mache Throne of the Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), the question is which one of them will vanquish the rest and triumphantly seize the scepter of the late Kingpin Meles Zenawi who passed away in August 2012. My question is simply, “Who shall the shadowy powers that be behind the TPLF Paper Mache Throne anoint as their next Kingpin?  
The first quarter of the game to capture the Paper Mache Throne of the TPLF featured the “Fall of the House of Meles”. Meles last appeared publicly at the G20 Summit in Mexico on June 19, 2012. He looked very sick and extremely frail. He disappeared after that Summit and was never seen alive in public. Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) was the first to report that he had passed way despite vigorous denials by the regime. Perplexed, I wrote a commentary entitled, “Has Meles Gone AWOL?”.
The circus to cover-up Meles’ official absence immediately kicked into high gear under the media stage management of  “communication minister” Bereket Simon (a crocodilian character reminiscent of Saddam Hussien’s cartoonish minion “Chemical (or Comical) Ali” who spun fantastic lies about the defeat of American forces in press conferences long after American troops had parked their tanks and Humvees in downtown Bagdad). From the beginning, Simon stonewalled, sandbagged and obfuscated all information on Meles’ health and whereabouts. He gave press conferences offering cryptic and manifestly dubious explanations about Meles receiving medical care for some undisclosed minor health problem at some undisclosed location. Simon even claimed that Meles was on vacation due to exhaustion occasioned by long years of public service. Then- “deputy prime minister” Hailemariam Desalegn echoed Simon’s cryptic assurances, “There is no serious illness at all. It’s minor only. As any human being, he has to get medication and he’ll be coming back soon.” Meles never came back.
On July 18, an Agence France Press report citing “several diplomatic sources” reported that Meles “is in a critical state” at a hospital in Belgium and that “his life is in danger” and “might not survive”.  On August 1,  Bereket Simon said, “the prime minister’s health is in very good condition. The medical treatment and rest have improved his health. He is in a much better health condition than before.” He added, “The status quo is maintained – there is no change and there will be no change in the near future.” An official announcement issued on August 21 declared Meles had passed away. To this day, the cause of Meles’ death remains a closely guarded state secret.
In the second quarter of the game of thrones, Hailemariam Desalegn, the man who proclaimed that Meles “will be back soon” was anointed “Prime Minster” on September 15. Hailemariam is a protégé of Meles and served as his  step-and-fetch-it guy. His appointment was shrouded in secrecy and mystery fueling speculations that the shadowy kingmakers of the Paper Mache Throne (the blokes running the state within the state) were in some turmoil over his selection. Some postulated key TPLF kingmakers had agreed to appoint a patsy, a chump they can easily manipulate during a transitional period following Meles’ passing. With TPLF cadres in total “control” of the military, the police and security forces, the bureaucracy and their parasitical elites with a chokehold on the economy, Hailemariam was just the right puppet prime minister. He would willingly serve as throne-warmer until the 2015  “election” and buy the TPLF power brokers and kingmakers more time to ready one of their own for their Paper Mache Throne. His appointment would also please the international donors and loaners who wanted to see a quick and smooth transition so that they can continue with business as usual.  
Hailemariam’s selection posed no real problems or risks in the short or long terms. He has little or no independent political base of his own. In the highly unlikely event he should challenge the kingmakers or show signs of independence after his appointment, he could easily be replaced by another puppet. If push comes to shove, Hailemariam knew the Sword of Damocles hanged over his head by a single strand of hair. He was all too familiar with the fate of his predecessor “prime minister” Tamrat Layne who languished in jail for 12 years for alleged “corruption”.
The hard core witless TPLF cadres saw Hailemariam’s appointment as bad precedent, a direct threat to their monopoly on power and an affront to the “sacrifices” they have made in the bush fighting the previous regime. Meles’ Svengelain wife desperately wanted her husband’s job. The subliminal message in her funeral eulogy of her husband was not lost to the careful observer. She said she “will stand on the side of the Ethiopian people and make her contributions to ensure Meles’ aims, vision, plans and strategies are implemented in reality.” She sought to project the image of a former guerilla fighter with an iron will. That was not to be. She was upstaged, outmaneuvered and sidelined by a cabal of sly, cunning and serpentine palace intriguists.
Puppeteering Hailemariam was a tricky but smart move by the powers behind the Paper Mache Throne. They immunized themselves from any serious criticism by choosing a man who comes from a “minority” ethnic group.  Neither the “Amharas” nor the  “Oromos” (I use quotation marks on the ethnic nomenclatures because I believe in the oneness of the humanity of the Ethiopian people; I don’t believe in the social construct of ethnicity) could complain about his appointment for fear of being branded ethnic chauvinists or worse. It was a masterful sleight of hand.
My personal assessment and conclusion on the basis of the anecdotal evidence was that the kingmakers of the Paper Mache Throne had a much simpler reason for choosing Hailemariam. With all due respect, Hailemariam was not the brightest bulb on the TPLF Christmas tree at the time of his appointment. But he was Meles’ loyal gopher and yes-man. I have previously described him as a “ceremonial” or “marionette” prime minster. Perhaps phrases borrowed from Meles’ wife (quoted in Ermias Legeses’ Amharic book YeMeles Tirufat [“Meles’ Legacy”] describing one of her opponents), would be more descriptive: Hailemariam is “a man without an idea. He lies down when he is told to lie down. He stands up when he is told. He is a conduit [echo chamber]”. Indeed over the past two years, he has proven to be a flunkey for the TPLF powers behind the Paper Mache Throne. He has amplified and reverberated what he is told by his TPLF bosses. He seems to be perfectly happy as a kid in a candy store playing his role as a public relations (PR) jockey for the TPLF powers that be. He also seems totally  oblivious of the fact that he was given the job to put a human face on a monstrous regime. In his public speeches and interviews, he comes off as a bewildered and befuddled petty bureaucrat. He has proven to be a Bush-esque character given to gaffes, malapropisms and non sequitur reasoning.  
I must also confess that in a flash of ironic humor, it did occur to me that the TPLF kingmakers could have chosen Hailemariam for his professional qualifications as a sanitary engineer. What better expert could they find to cleanup  all of the mess, garbage and junk Meles left behind than a sanitation engineer trained in the science of removal and disposal of human and other solid waste? (Likewise, as a sanitary engineer-cum-prime-minister, I wish Hailemariam would have done something to create effective storm water drainage, sewerage and flood control systems in the urban areas and provide a reliable supply of safe potable water in the countryside.)  
I trust Hailemariam will be wise enough to refrain from and avoid the inflammatory rhetoric of Meles as he begins his new office and show humility and not display the belligerence, arrogance and hubris of his predecessor. I hope he will do more to reach out to his opposition and try to work with them, and not trap himself in a bubble surrounded by sycophants. I trust he will be more conciliatory than confrontational; more understanding of the opposition and their frustrations and less condemnatory of those who may disagree with him. I hope he will have the wisdom to understand the inebriating power of power and the absolutely corrupting nature of absolute power and learn to use power wisely by tempering it with justice and compassion. I hope he will listen more and lecture less; under promise and over deliver and show respect for institutions, his opposition and his compatriots. On a personal level, I hope he will be able to share my unshakeable belief in the sanctity of human rights and commitment to upholding the rule of law. But I also have a special wish for him: He has a long walk to make and he can get to his destination if he walks and strives to help his compatriots walk in Mandela’s shoes than anyone else’s.
All of the above proved to be the pipe dreams of a utopian Ethiopian. Once Hailemariam became “prime minister”, it was difficult to determine whether he is  Hailemariam or Meles-incarnate. He was manifestly a Meles-wannabe. Listening to him was like listening to a reincarnated Meles. In his public statements, speeches and interviews, he seemed like he was channeling Meles at a seance. He mimicked Meles’ mannerisms. Like Meles, he assumed airs of  intellectual pretentiousness and pedantry. His body language emoted Meles’ hollow arrogance. His zombie-like mantra became “I will follow the work and uphold the legacy our great visionary leader… I will stay the course… Renaissance… blah, blah…” He walked like Meles, swaggered like Meles and quacked like Meles. Is Hailemariam Meles?
In his first year in office, Hailemariam sounded like a broken record and robotically droning on about following Meles’ “vision” and footsteps and spearheading Meles’ “Renaissance” without any demonstrable understanding and appreciation of Meles’ professed aspirations. Hailemariam was clueless (or willfully ignorant) of Meles’ professed desires for his legacy. As I explained in my September 2012 commentary, “Ethiopia: Time for Radical Improvements”, Meles openly declared his “hope that [his] legacy” would be not only “sustained and accelerated development that would pull Ethiopia out of the massive deep poverty” but also “radical improvements in terms of good governance and democracy.” If Hailemariam genuinely understood and sought to honor and pay homage to his political mentor, teacher and master and implement and sustain his vision and legacy, instead of just paying lip service to Meles’ memory, he would have made the task of radically improving good governance and democracy job one. These improvements would have necessarily started with the immediate release of all political prisoners, repeal of anti-terrorism, civil society and other oppressive laws and a declaration of allegiance and practice of the rule of law. Hailemariam chose (was told to) to talk of Meles as if he were a dead pontiff with miraculous powers.    
During his two year tenure as “prime minister”, Hailemariam has shown an embarrassing lack of familiarity with the principle and operation of the rule of law. There is arguably no more compelling anecdotal evidence which shows Hailemariam’s depth of sheer ignorance of the rule of law than his shockingly uninformed and self-congratulatory observations on the light rail being built in Virginia. In a very recent videotaped interview, this is what Hailemariam said (forward clip to 25:00 min; English translation below) :               
Yesterday, I met the Governor of Virginia. When I visited here seven years ago, they had started their light rail. Their light rail had been delayed by 7 years. I asked him why it was delayed. What the Governor told me was that there were insurance issues, property issues, this issue and that issue. That is why it took a long time. [The Governor said they] are thinking of phase two. We have already completed 47 kilometers [in our light rail in Addis Ababa]. We are finishing it in 3 years. Here in Virginia, the big country, it has taken them 7 years. This is the level [of advancement] our country has reached. 
It was stunning to listen to these words. How true Goethe’s epigram, “There is nothing more frightening than to see ignorance in action.” Hailemariam revels in the fact that he was able to outdo the bungling  “big country of Virginia” by completing his light rail in three years as. The poor Virginians were limping along to complete far fewer miles in seven years. He was so proud to teach the Yankees  a thing or two about building light rail! (Time will tell how long the “tofu” rail line being built by the Chinese will last. I am willing to put may last dollar on the first hard rain!)
Of course, Hailemariam is clueless that in America all land is not owned exclusively by government or a gang of bush thugs masquerading as government. He has no idea that the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution limits the powers of government in taking private property for public use and that it must pay just compensation and demonstrate a public purpose for the taking. What Hailemariam ignorantly dismisses as “insurance and property issues” in Virginia are actually complex eminent domain issues involving multitudinous private parties and complicated statutory and constitutional litigation. There were challenges to the “quick take” (without judicial review) authority of the state and federal governments in building the rail line. There were knotty constitutional issues involving state and federal powers in rail line construction and the role and authority of municipalities in rail line related construction activities. There were protracted challenges to condemnation proceedings, fairness of the just compensation offered and other critical procedural due process issues.
The “issues” Hailemariam dismisses as “this issue or that issue” have deep roots in Nineteenth Century land acquisition politics and the way in which railroads acquired fee simple ownership or perpetual easements in the land under the tracks carrying their trains. Hailemariam seems to think that the federal and state governments in the U.S. could simply grab land by the stroke of the pen or bureaucratic fiat and hand it over to their cronies, family members, cadres and political supporters. It is alleged Hailemariam received higher education in America, but his dismal lack of elementary knowledge on the American political and constitutional process is nothing less than shocking. But it is never too late to learn: Property rights are so highly respected in America that they are boldly secured against the encroachment of the federal government in the Fifth Amendment and the state and local governments in the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.   
Lately, Hailemariam has become manifestly delusional. He recently told  The Africa Report, “Everyone is now talking about the Ethiopian renaissance”. It is true that everyone is talking about Ethiopia – the descent of that country into the dark abyss of press censorship, crimes against humanity, stolen (or soon to be stolen ) “elections”, corruption and human rights violations.  Hailemariam still repeats ad nauseum the same fabrication he proclaimed in his eulogy at Meles’ funeral. “Our great leader Meles Zenawi has been the chief architect of our country’s renaissance, which has been assured by double-digit growth over the last eight years.” The claim of double-digit growth is simply not true as everyone who has read my commentary “The Voodoo Economics of Meles Zenawi” knows.  (Perhaps Hailemariam does not like to read “long” commentaries.) 
In the third quarter of the game of thrones, Hailemariam has become the “Prime Minster of Dystopia”.  “If we remain committed to the ideals of justice, liberation and above all the sanctity of human dignity, we can ultimately prevail over evil, no matter how stacked the odds are against us,” pontificated Hailemariam at Nelson Mandela’s state funeral in Qunu in the Eastern Cape. Under Hailemariam’s “prime ministership” of the TPLF Paper Mache Throne, things have gone downhill. Under his watch, evil has prevailed in Ethiopia as thousands have been arbitrarily arrested and jailed. Just in the past few weeks,  young men and women barely in their 20s have been arrested and jailed for “terrorism” merely for blogging on Facebook and speaking their minds on other social media.  This month, six popular independent publications including Afro Times, Addis Guday, Enku, Fact, Jano, and Lomi were shuttered and dozens of journalists jailed or exiled as a consequence. Dozens of Ethiopia’s best and brightest journalists have been languishing in subhuman prisons throughout the country.  Hailemariam has recently graduated to become a Mafia Don of sorts contracting international kidnappings and abductions. He “authorized” the abduction of Andaragatchew Tsgie, General Secretary of Ginbot 7 Movement for Justice, Freedom and Democracy, an Ethiopian opposition group, in Yemen.  In 2014, Ethiopia is ranked as the second poorest country (for the fourth successive year) on the planet by the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHDI) Multidimensional Poverty Index (formerly annual U.N.D.P. Human Poverty Index). Yet Hailemariam polyannishly does a song and dance to the tune of, “Everyone is now talking about the Ethiopian renaissance”.
End game for the TPLF Paper Mache Throne
In the final quarter of the game of thrones, the question is: Who will be the Kingpin of the Paper Mache Throne following the 2015 “election”? I have shared my general views on the question in my commentary “Of Elections and Diapers in Ethiopia in 2015”. The word “election” is a misnomer and a misrepresentation of the reality. Election charade or games of election musical chairs are more accurately descriptive phrases. The outcome of the election game in 2015 is a foregone conclusion. The only unanswered question is whether the margin of victory will exceed the 99.6 percent of the 2010 election. Meles will roll in his grave if his party should “win” the 2015 “election” by less than 99.6 percent.
In the end game, Hailemariam is a goner! Toast! They used him; they’re going to lose him. But the powers behind the Paper Mache Throne have a humongous problem. Where will they find a Meles equivalent? In their game of thrones, there was only one Meles Zenawi—the brain, the brawn and the brand. Without their demi-god, they are lost.  They now find themselves in the proverbial land of the blind where the one-eyed man is no longer king. They are all in the dark now and they cannot find their way out.
The powers behind the TPLF Paper Mache Throne need a man like Meles to stay in power. Meles was a unique figure in the TPLF cosmogony. He was clever enough to anticipate and thwart the moves of his bungling opponents while keeping the contending forces in balance through threats, bribes, persecutions and prosecutions. He knew how to handle them all. He had dirt on all of them. He knew what made each one tick. He knew all of them could be bought and sold on the cheap. He was always five steps ahead of them as they stepped back 10 steps to count and wallow in their stolen loot. In the End Game, the powers that be behind the Paper Mache Throne in the post-Meles season are facing the classic thieves’ dilemma: Thieves and robbers do not fight when they steal and rob but when they sit down to distribute the stolen loot. Which thief will be the next Kingpin of the Paper Mache Throne?!
When they appointed Tedros Adhanom, the malaria researcher, to become “foreign minister”, they were clearly sending the signal that they are grooming him for the prime minister’s job in 2015. Only in Ethiopia would a man with no experience or training in high stakes world diplomacy be appointed “foreign minister”. (Nepotism, cronyism and neopatrimonialism are the modus operandi of the ruling regime there.) They wanted him to get some visibility and international “experience” until 2015 while allowing him to cultivate good will to forestall internal opposition and gain broader acceptance. Are we waiting to witness the “transfer of power” from a sanitary engineer to a malaria researcher on the Paper Mache Throne2015 election?
Adhanom simply does not have what it takes to be a “foreign minister” or “prime minster”. His response to the  abuse and deportation of Ethiopian domestic workers and refugees in Saudi Arabia last November was not only pathetic and incredible but also reprehensible and demonstrative of the man’s ineptitude in the job. As I expressed my outrage in my commentary,  “From the Ethiopian Fire Into the  Saudi Arabian Frying Pan”, Adhanom said what happened to Ethiopian domestic workers in Saudi Arabia came to him “as a complete surprise” and “we never expected that this would happen”. As “foreign minister”, Adhanom did nothing to anticipate and plan for reasonably foreseeable events affecting those workers, including the need for potential mass evacuation and mitigation of violence by the Saudi police and mobs.  He had at least six months advanced notice to prepare following immigration policy changes by the Saudi regime. Adhanom bungled through that human disaster. (Little has been done to rehabilitate o or resettle the tens of thousands who were repatriated from Saudi modern slavery.) What blew my top off was Adhanom’s nauseating statement: “Ethiopia would like to express its respect for the decision of the Saudi Authorities and the policy of deporting illegal migrants.”  He actually said that!!!
I personally do not think it will make a difference who they eventually put on the Paper Mache Throne. I don’t think replacing Tweedle Dee Hailemariam with Tweedle Dum Adhanom or Tweedle Dee Anybody Else will make much of a difference. As President Obama liked to say, “ You can put lipstick on a pig, but at the end of the day it is still a pig.” You can put a thug in a designer suit, give him a fancy title, hand him a fancy briefcase and put him on the throne. At the end of the day, you still have a thug on a throne. You can paint the face of a thugogracy with election makeup and lipstick to make it look like a democracy, but at the end of the day a thugogracy is still a thugogracy! The 2015 “election” will not produce good governance, respect for human rights or observance of the rule of law in Ethiopia.
On a separate point, I believe the contenders and pretenders to the TPLF Paper Mache Throne are undergoing a real existential crisis in the form Jean Paul Sartre metaphorically represented in his play “No Exit”. They have made life hell for the people of Ethiopia and now they must stand perpetual sentry in the hell they created for others. The fact of the matter is that they know deep in their hearts their political power and ill-gotten wealth is meaningless because they are totally and completely rejected by the vast, vast majority of the Ethiopian people. They know they are held in utter contempt by the people. One need only listen to audio clips of statements by two top regime officials posted online recently expressing  deep dismay over the fact that they have been betrayed by the very individuals they recruited and promoted to high positions and others they helped amass great fortunes; move sound bar on clip to 1:09:00.). They know they can trust no one including themselves. They know the vast majority of the cadres they recruited and trained for over two decades will be the first ones to sell them down the river for a dime when the opportunity presents itself. Ermias Legese’s book, “YeMeles Trufat”, is Exhibit A. That book is a stinging and devastating  indictment of the corruption, incompetence and pettiness among the contenders and pretenders to the Paper Mache Throne. (Ermias Legese, until recently, was a “minister of state” for the ruling regime in Ethiopia; he now lives in the U.S. )  The book depicts the low-intensity warfare that has been  going on over the past decade between and among TPLF power brokers and the cadres they have minted from other ethnic groups to give the impression of political pluralism. Ermias’ book suggests that the all of the top contenders and pretenders to the Paper Mache Throne are emperor-wannabes with new clothes. According to Ermias, the top leaders of the regime (with third grade education, diplomas from bogus online diploma mills and ghost written doctoral dissertations for those who “attended” credible higher educational institutions) are not qualified to run the dog catcher’s office let alone lead a complex country like Ethiopia. They are in it for the money. They should take it and run.
There was once an Iron Throne that ruled Ethiopia for a thousand years. The lords of that kingdom believed they had a birthright and a divine right to rule. That Throne in the end vanished over a few months never to return. Today the lords of the TPLF Paper Mache Throne also believe they have a birthright to rule. They hope to keep in perpetuity the mantle of ultimate power—the office of prime minster. They believe their Paper Mache Throne will last a hundred years. As they like to remind us every chance they get, they established their Paper Mache Throne through the barrel of the gun. They sure ain’t gonna let nobody disestablish it through a paper ballot!
 “Freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed.” Martin Luther King, Jr.
posted By Danei Aleyu Zeleke

Saturday, 23 August 2014

Inside Addis Ababa's Koshe rubbish tip: where hundreds literally scratch a living

Inside Addis Ababa's Koshe rubbish tip: where hundreds literally scratch a living

At the end of her journey to trace the life of a typical flip-flop – from oilfield to factory to street to trash – Caroline Knowles was confronted with the Ethiopian capital’s largest landfill site …
Koshe rubbish dump, Addis Ababa.
The arrival of fresh rubbish at the Koshe dump – especially if the truck is from an affluent area – can unleash tense scrambles. Photograph: Caroline Knowles
My first sight of Koshe, Addis Ababa’s giant 50-year-old landfill site, is from the highway. It runs alongside it, and away from the road as far as the eye can see: a giant, murky, grey-brown raised area of partially decomposed rubbish, with occasional bright specks of colour. As my hopes rise from having found it, my heart sinks as I try to take it in.
The interpreter I have engaged for this mission through my contacts, a junior academic at Addis Ababa University, is not keen on going ahead. Leaving the taxi and crossing the highway by the bridge, I try to absorb the panoramic view afforded by this elevated viewpoint over the highway.
This 36-hectare site – shrinking as the city attempts to regulate it – is patrolled from the air by large vultures, diving into the rubbish. Motley crews of wild dogs gambolling and snatching at the soft ground patrol it at ground level. Smoke rises in several places, adding a layer of haze to the murky colour scheme. Yellow bulldozers nose the heap and shift and level it; municipal rubbish trucks and flatbed trucks with skips arrive from all over the city and discharge their contents.
Between the dogs, the birds and the machines there was something else, something I could only slowly take in: 200 to 300 people, dressed in the same murky hues as the rubbish dump, backs bent, hooks in hand, were working on its surface.
Feeling queasy I walk towards the end of the bridge. In order to reach the steps and the rubbish, I must walk past three young men who are using the vantage point of the bridge for surveillance and information gathering. In an unspoken negotiation I don’t understand, they take in my camera, and my shoulder bag containing digital recorders and money, and let me pass. This silent confrontation, between the comforts of my world and the difficulties of theirs, only further develops my anxieties.
Descending the steps, I walk to the edge of the dump where I am met by the site supervisor and his aides. They want a stamped authorisation of my visit from the relevant municipal department. What looks like a vast area, open to the surrounding countryside, is as closed to me as a Korean petrochemical plant. I turn back and head into the city to secure the relevant authorisation.
Flip-Flop
Caroline Knowles’s book Flip-Flop traces the journey of the world’s cheapest and best-selling style of shoe: from Middle East oil fields, through Chinese refineries and factories, to the streets of Ethiopia … and finally the Addis tip

Trash talks

The city dump is an inventory, of a kind, of its material life. Addis in rubbish is not London or Moscow in rubbish. Rubbish provides a crude and deeply flawed account of cities and their social, political and economic contexts. Rubbish displays social, material and income differences.
Indeed, some people’s rubbish provides others with the fabric of their everyday life. Maybe this is the best way to think about Koshe – as a redistribution centre which indexes the differences between people’s life-journeys, refracted through material cultures at their point of disposal.
Not just the content, the handling of rubbish displays cities too. How cities deal with their rubbish reveals them. It is a major challenge for municipal authorities in Addis, who are only able to deal with two-thirds of the rubbish, distributed in collection points all over a city that is fast expanding – leaving the rest to private contractors and the age-old informal dumping practices on streets and in rivers. Thus rubbish provides a visual commentary on urban citizens’ behaviour as well as the efficacy of municipal governance.

Scratching a living

Getting myself into the rubbish is a story of municipal offices cluttered with old computers, fans, desks, officials and permissions. It is about writing a letter in Amharic explaining what I want to do and why. It is about waiting until the electricity comes back on and we can photocopy my university ID. There are phone calls to the landfill site and arrangements are made. Everybody is charming. I’ve come from London to take a look at the rubbish. Why? I am following a piece of plastic around the world. Really! First world problems!
I go back to Koshe – which means ‘dirty’ in Amharic – and hand over the necessary papers to the site supervisor, in his makeshift office at the roadside of the dump. Minutes later, I am scrambling after him, out on to the rubbish heap, navigating around the dogs which I fear, and the areas where it is soft underfoot and I sink up to my knees. My stomach is churning with fear. My interpreter and I are using Olbas oil to mask the smell.
We stop north of the main road, where it is firmer underfoot, in the area where the activity is concentrated. This is the place to which the municipal authorities and the site supervisor direct the trucks to dump their loads. A single white towelling slipper, with the Hilton Hotel logo on it, stands out in the grey-brown mush.
A group of 'scratchers' from the Koshe dump.
A group of ‘scratchers’ from the Koshe dump. Photograph: Caroline Knowles
This area is a hive of activity that peaks to a frenetic pace with the arrival of new loads, and then falls away, leaving a more continuous stream of slower activity, and a legacy of dust and smoke that gets in everyone’s eyes.
As rubbish trucks turn off the main road on to the edge of the site, a group of five or six young men jump on the back and ride to the dumping area with it. This puts them at an advantage for grabbing the best items as the truck discharges its load onto the tip, but not without risk. The mechanism that crushes the rubbish occasionally catches a young man in its deadly and disfiguring grasp.
As the young men jump off with the rubbish and begin picking items that catch the eye, the line of men and women, that has formed along both sides of the truck, spring into action, grabbing items and stashing them in woven plastic sacks. These are held tightly in one hand; in the other a homemade metal hook with a white handle, used to grab and dig into the grey-brown surface of the heap, is held. This hooked instrument earns the pickers – sometimes referred to as scavengers – the name ‘scratchers’.
The moment of discharge unleashes a tense scramble for the most valuable items; a competition in which masculine physical strength prevails, and young, agile, women put up a good fight. Scratchers then go on searching, or rest until the next truck arrives, or regroup around the bulldozers unearthing new bounty. The social and material relationships of the dump demand skilled navigation.
From the vantage point of the dump, the scratchers rework the geographies and hierarchies of the city. The tensest flurries of competitive scratching accompany the arrival of trucks from the most affluent areas, with the best rubbish. The Bole area, with its upscale detached housing, mall, hotels and the international airport, sends the most prized items, the cast-offs of affluence, including waste airline food in large green plastic bags, to the dump. Scratchers collect the food discarded by airline passengers for themselves, leaving a large pool of bright green plastic bags, which attracts a herd of goats.
Rubbish from the central part of the city, from international hotels, the African Union HQ buildings and the embassies, is similarly sought after, and monopolised by the fittest young men. Scratchers recognise the sources of rubbish from the colours and types of trucks used by the different sub-cities and private contractors. And they recognise the drivers and their helpers, who regularly work the same areas. The discarded traces of the city’s more affluent lives, especially foreign residents and visitors, most animate the dump. Rubbish logs social inequalities in cities and provides a minimal redress.
The dump has temporal rhythms. Scratchers know what time the trucks arrive from different parts of the city. From 8am through the morning is the busiest time. The dump is geared to municipal collection and transportation. By 5pm things are dying down as the trucks stop for the night, and the scratching continues with fewer scratchers at a slower pace. Bulldozers moving stuff around and digging into the surface of the dump also provide new scratching opportunities, and a lively crowd gathers around them. Scratching is a 24-hour activity, with people arriving after their working day is over. Some scratchers work throughout the night wearing torches attached to headbands. Scratching it seems is a (stigmatised) way of life as much as a way of getting by.
Within the urban geographies of affluence, materials establish another set of hierarchies. Scratchers search for anything they can use for themselves, or resell. Materials have a value in recycling, providing an afterlife for discarded objects. Metals, including nails, are the most valuable booty, and men dominate this, although a few women have ventured into metals too. Wood has value as firewood. Tourist clothes and shoes can be cashed in at the Mercato salvage section. Some scratchers just come to eat.
But plastics are the most ubiquitous material on the dump, and among plastics, water bottles the scratchers refer to as ‘highland’, after a popular brand of bottled water, dominate, and in this niche women prevail.
Scratchers on the Koshe rubbish dump tend to specialise in different materials: some searching for metal, while others target paper or plastic bottles.
Scratchers specialise in different materials: some searching for metal, while others target paper or plastic bottles. Photograph: Caroline Knowles
Scratchers specialise in particular materials. Specialisms result from advice from experienced scratchers, from serendipity, or from knowledge of shifting recycling prices, gathered at the edge of the dump. Here materials are counted or weighed, and turned into cash, with the agents from factories using recycled materials.
A pile of white dusty material arrives from the leather factory. The dogs take up residence. They are ejected by a group of men, who have decided that this is a good place to sit, while waiting for the next truck.
In their working clothes – they scrub up outside of work and look completely different – scratchers are dressed similarly and grimily, making them the same colour as the rubbish heap. Men wear trousers, shirts and tee shirts, baseball caps and sometimes hoodies to protect their heads from the sun. Women wear scarves and baseball caps, skirts, trousers, t-shirts and blouses. Some carry infants on their backs. All wear sturdy shoes, often trainers.
The scratching population numbers 200–300, but expands after holidays with casual pickers. More women than men do it by a ratio of about three to one, and, while people in their 20s and 30s predominate, ages range from teens to seniors. Most live in the villages around the dump in simple, rusted, corrugated iron dwellings, sometimes with satellite dishes. Rubbish has provided a source of local employment and subsistence for generations over its 50-year history, and is firmly embedded in local calculations of subsistence and accumulation.
About 50 scratchers live in cardboard and plastic makeshift shelters off the edge of the dump, safely away from passing vehicles and next to a pen full of pigs. The rubbish sustains rural arrivals, for whom it works as a gateway to the city, as well as long-term residents, whose rural routes have settled into the past, making them locals.
The ministry and its field agents say that the rubbish dump is a source of dangerous working practices by people who, like the rubbish they sort, are consigned to live beyond the limits of civic life. A litany of accidents, deaths and disfigurements as scratchers take risks to recover value, are recited by the site supervisor:
Food comes from some place and a guy is going into the truck and he is injured and they take him to hospital but he died. Also someone else lost their legs in an encounter with a bulldozer. Two months ago a man who jumped in the truck dropped off when it broke. In recent accidents, two were women. The bulldozer operator has a lot to do to push the garbage. If they see something they want when the bulldozer moves the garbage, they don’t think about their life.
In living beyond formal systems of governance, this city suburb of rubbish is more like the Somali borderlands, patrolled by contrabandists and gunrunners, than a part of the city. There is a police station nearby, and policing and the justice system are slowly taking back the dump from a parallel system of authority, a mafia of five ‘big men’. The big men control access by scratchers in exchange for fees, making themselves wealthy in the process. But recently, some of them have been imprisoned, shifting the balance of power towards the authorities. 
Once far away, a place outside of the city, outside systems of formal employment, taxation, law and municipal governance, Koshe is now on the edge of a city that has grown to meet it in what are fast becoming its upscale southern suburbs. A new development of large detached houses nearby anticipates this future – new housing for those in a position to benefit from rising prosperity, and a consequent shrinkage and rehabilitation of the landfill site. These changes have far-reaching consequences for the scratchers of Koshe.
posted By Daneil Aleyu Zeleke

Saturday, 9 August 2014

To European Union Delegation to Ethiopia: A Call to Stop the State of Siege in Ethiopia

To European Union Delegation to Ethiopia: A Call to Stop the State of Siege in Ethiopia

August 4, 2014
Global Alliance for the Rights of Ethiopians (GARE), letter to European Union Delegation to Ethiopia
The Global Alliance for the Rights of Ethiopians (GARE), an all-inclusive human rights advocacy group is outraged by the state of siege in Global alliance for the rights of EthiopiansEthiopia; and calls on all Ethiopian opposition political parties, civic societies, religious leaders, prominent individuals; and the donor and diplomatic community to rise up express outrage against systematic and recurrent state sponsored human rights abuses, onslaught and terror by the Ethiopian government against its own people. Ominous signs of dissension and implosion are everywhere. The precedent setting arrest, interrogation, abduction and subsequent rendition of Mr. Andargachew Tsige, a prominent political and human rights activist on June 24, 2014 by Yemeni and Ethiopian Security has formally and brazenly escalated and broadened the reign of terror by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the ruling ethnic coalition, the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) which it commands. A UK citizen, Mr. Tsige’s forcible and criminal abduction and rendition to Ethiopia where he is undoubtedly facing the harshest treatment possible is an abrogation of international covenants and civilized behavior. Under the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, the government of Yemen had an obligation to notify the Embassy of the United Kingdom. Ethiopians are uniformly angry that Yemeni authorities colluded with the Ethiopian government and handed Mr. Tsige to his tormentors; and the UK failed to demand his release the same way that it would have done if he were not an African. The same can happen to anyone of us.
GARE believes that Mr. Tsige’s case follows a systematic and recurrent pattern of state-sponsored witch-hunting, pursuit, arrest and imprisonment of political, social and religious dissenters within and outside Ethiopia that has gone on for almost a quarter of century and deteriorated sharply since the flawed elections of 2005. We are convinced that his won’t be the last. A sample of similar renditions illustrates the point. In June 2014, Mr. Okello Okuway, an Ethiopian from Gambella and a Norwegian citizen was arrested in South Sudan and extradited to Ethiopia. He faces charges as a terrorist. Earlier Kenya detained and extradited two Ethiopians of Oromo ethnic affiliation accused of having links to the Oromo Liberation Front. They were sentenced to life in prison and one of them died in prison in 2013. Kenya arrested and extradited an Ethiopian with Canadian citizenship accused of belonging to the Ogaden National Liberation Front. He faces charges as a terrorist. Human Rights Watch reports that other political refugees have been sent to Ethiopia from neighboring countries.
Equally and with more severity, the onslaught on the rights of indigenous people, civic, religious and political activists that espouse peaceful dissent has reached a tipping point. In January 2012, Human Rights Watch concluded that Ethiopia’s Villagization program funded by donors was “marked by forced displacements, arbitrary detentions, mistreatments, and inadequate consultation with indigenous people in Gambella.” On July 14, 2014, a UK High Court ruled on allegations that the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID) “did not assess evidence of human rights violations in Ethiopia and should do so” soonest. GARE notes with sadness that the donor community has failed to monitor similar abuses in connection with the massive Promotion of Basic Services project initiated in the aftermath of the 2005 elections. It is often used to punish opponents. We note with regret that the generous donor community that provides $4 billion annually with no accountability is effectively complicit and accountable. The renowned economist William Easterly admonished the donor community’s total disregard of freedom and human rights in his new book, The Tyranny of Experts: economists, dictators and the forgotten rights of the poor, with specific reference to Ethiopia’s brutal regime. “Not even shooting and jailing the opposition, manipulating aid to starve the opposition, seizing the lands of villagers and relocating them against their will, and perpetrating violence against villagers who protested has been enough to shake the technocratic faith that autocrats can be trusted to be benevolent implementers of technical solutions” in alleviating poverty and creating sustainable and equitable development for the vast majority of Ethiopians. Ethiopia is replete with specific examples of abuse.
On July 12, 2014, Human Rights Watch reported that the UK provides more than 300 million British pounds of aid to Ethiopia each year, “while the country’s human rights record is steadily deteriorating.” We therefore call on the donor and diplomatic community to press the Ethiopian government to end its relentless and recurring human rights violations that are most likely to lead to a cataclysmic end, including genocide and civil wars. On July 11, 2014, Tom Rhodes of the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), a human rights group that caters to journalists and had assisted 41 Ethiopian journalists in exile since 2009 reported that “On June 25, 2014, 20 journalists from the state broadcaster in Oromia were denied entry to their station’s headquarters” allegedly in connection with student protests in the region that led to massacres by TPLF special forces. “The fear of being imprisoned next” has become common. Numerous journalists and others fled the country because it is a pattern for dissenters to be arrested and imprisoned “on trumped charges or none at all.” Ethiopia is the “second worst jailer of journalists in Africa after Eritrea” and one of the “ten worst jailers in the world.” On July 18, 2014, AFP reported that 9 bloggers and journalists arrested in May this year—shortly before Secretary of State John Kerry’s visit to Ethiopia—were charged with “terrorism for having links to an outlawed group and for planning attacks.” The draconian Anti-Terrorist and Societies and Charities Proclamations are now used routinely as blunt legal instruments to arrest and imprison anyone who struggles for freedom and justice, the rule of law and freedom. AFP confirmed that “seven journalists have been jailed under the Anti-Terrorist Law, including two Swedish journalists sentenced for 11 years in 2012 and pardoned.” Ethiopians jailed have no such lack. “Eskinder Nega is serving an 18-year sentence for having links with Ginbot 7.
On July 8, 2014, the TPLF arrested 4 young and rising political leaders: Habtamu Ayalew and Daniel Shibeshi of Andinet, Yeshiwas Assefa of Semayawi and Abraha Desta, lecturer at Makelle University and member of the Executive Committee, Arena. These recent arrests contribute to the thousands of political prisoners including Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu, Andualem Aragie, Bekele Gerba, Abubeker Mohamed, Tesfalem Woldeyes, Andargachew Tsige etc., etc. whose indomitable moral courage generations will never forget. Sadly, TPLF’s security that spends more monies than defense, receives substantial support from Western governments for the purpose of fighting and containing terrorism in the Horn–Alkaid a, Al-Shabab and other extremist and terrorist groups–against the Ethiopian people and avert the types of atrocities inflicted on the people of Kenya. Ethiopians are committed to anti-terrorism. Ethiopia’s Anti-Terrorist Law makes no distinction whatsoever between real terrorists of the Alkaid a type; and political, social and religious dissenters. Sadly, Ethiopians face broad, sweeping and nation-wide crackdowns in the Amhara, Oromia, Gambella, Ogaden, Tigray, Addis Ababa, Afar and other regions that show the Anti-Terrorist and CSO laws are used as legal instruments against any dissenter. These laws are intended solely to maintain TPLF minority rule permanently. This unprecedented state of siege is either ignored or unnoticed by donors. Ethiopians are left to defend themselves. We conclude from this systemic repression that no dissenter at home or abroad is safe. Relentless extraditions by TPLF agents outside Ethiopia’s boundaries are presumed to send a chilling message and hinder popular resistance. Regardless of the number of arrests the struggle for justice in Ethiopia is unstoppable.
In light of heinous crimes committed against the Ethiopian people, it is high time that the donor and diplomatic community stops treating gross human rights violations in Ethiopia with a blind eye. We therefore urge the EU to leverage its considerable aid and diplomatic resources and demand that the Ethiopian government releases journalists and other political prisoners; open political, social, economic and religious space; and respect human rights and the rule of law without delay.
Sincerely,
Aklog Birara (Dr)
Chair, Foreign Relations and Diplomacy, GARE
posted By  Daneil Aleyu Zeleke