Monday, 29 September 2014

ሁሉም እስረኞች መብት አላቸው፡፡ አንዳንድ እስረኞች ግን .....................................................

ሁሉም እስረኞች መብት አላቸው፡፡ አንዳንድ እስረኞች ግን ከሌሎቹ የተለየ መብት አላቸው፡፡›› ጌታቸው ሽፈራው (ቃሊቲን እንደቃኘው)

ጌታቸው ሽፈራው (ቃሊቲን እንደቃኘው)
‹‹ እስረኞች መብት አላቸው፡፡ አንዳንድ እስረኞች ግን ከሌሎቹ የተለየ መብት አላቸው፡፡ አንዳንዶቹ ምንም መብት የላቸውም››
ዛሬ ወደቃሊቲ አቅንተን ነበር፡፡ የእነ አቶ በቀለ ገርባ፣ የአዛውንቱ ሲሳይ ብርሌ፣ የጋዜጠኛ ውብሸት ታዬ ምክር፣ ትንታኔና ተስፋ አንዳች ጥንካሬ ይሰጣል፡፡ የእነዚህ ታሳዎች ጥንካሬ ቃሊቲ እስር ቤት መሆኑን ሁሉ ያስረሳል፡፡
መጀመሪያ እነ በቀለ ገርባን ጠይቀን ነው ወደ ጋዜጠኛው ያቀናነው፡፡ ውብሸትን ለመጠየቅ ስናቀና የገቢዎችና ጉምሩክ ምክትል የነበረው ገብረወሃድ እስረኞች ከሚጠየቁበት ውጭ አንድ ጥግ ላይ ከቤተሰቦቹ ጋር ሰብሰብ ብሎ አየነው፡፡ እስረኞች ወደሚጠየቁበት ስናመራ የገቢዎችና ጉምሩክ ባለስልጣን ዳይሬክተር የነበረው መላኩ ፋንታና ጋዜጠኛ ውብሸት ታዬ ለመጠየቂያነት የተከለለው ቦታ ላይ ጎን ለጎን ቆመው ከቤተሰቦቻቸው ጋር እያወሩ ደረስን፡፡
ከውብሸት ጋር ለተወሰኑ ደቂቃዎች ካወራን በኋላ ይበቃል ተባለ፡፡ ገና ወደ ውብሸት ስንመጣ ከቤተሰቦቻቸው ጋር የነበሩት መላኩ ፋንታ አሁንም ከቤተሰቦቻቸው ጋር እያወሩ ነው፡፡ ገብረ ወሃድም እንደዛው፡፡ እንግዲህ በእስረኞች መካከል የሚፈቀደው የሰዓት ገደብም ይለያያል ማለት ነው፡፡ ለ‹‹አሸባሪ›› ጋዜጠኛ 10ና 20 ደቂቃ፣ ለ‹‹ኪራይ ሰብሳቢ›› ባለስልጣን ደግሞ የፈለገውን ያህል ጊዜ ይሰጣል፡፡
ያቆሰለኝ ግን ይህ አይደለም፡፡ ጋዜጠኛ ርዕዮት ዓለሙ ከእናትና አባቷ ውጭ በማንም አትጠየቅም፡፡ እህቷ እስከዳርና እጮኛዋ ጋዜጠኛ ስለሽ ሀጎስ ርዕዮትን መጠየቅ ይቅርና ወደ ግቢው እንዳይገቡ ተከልክለዋል፡፡ ውብሸትን ጠይቀን ስንወጣ ለመረዳት እንደቻልኩት እስረኞች ከሚጠየቁበት ውጭ አንድ ጥግ ይዞ ከቤተሰቦቹ ጋር ሰብሰብ ብሎ (ወንበርና ጠባብ ጠረጴዛ ነገር ቀርቦላቸዋል) በዓል እያከበረ የነበረውን ገብረወሃድ ብቻ አልነበረም፡፡ በእጮኛዋና በእህቷ እንዳትጠየቅ ከተደረገችው ርዕዮት ዓለሙ ጋር ታስራ የምትገኘው የገብረ ወሃድ ባለቤት ኮሎኔል ኃይማኖት ከባለቤቷና ከቤተሰቦቿ ጋር ሆና በዓል እንድታከብር ተፈቅዶላታል፡፡
የእኔ ጥያቄ ለምን እነ ገብረወሃድ ተፈቀደላቸው አይደለም፡፡ ነገር ግን ርዕዮት በእጮኛዋና በእህቷ እንዳትጠየቅ በተደረገችበት ወቅት እነ ገብረወሃድና ከርዕዮት ጋር ታስራ የምትገኘው ባለቤቱ ያለ ምንም የሰዓት ገደብ እንዲያውም እስረኞች ከሚጠየቁበት ክልል ውጭ በዓል እንዲያከብሩ መደረጉ ነው፡፡ በዚህም መሰረት ‹‹እስረኞች መብት አላቸው፡፡ ነገር ግን አንዳንድ እስረኞች ከሌሎቹ የተለየ መብት አላቸው፡፡ አንዳንዶቹ ምንም መብት የላቸውም›› የሚል ያልተጻፈ ህግ እንዳለ ያሳያል፡፡ ህግ በእንሰሳዊ ስልት ለሌቦች አድልታ ስለ እውነት ለቆመችው፣ በብዕሯ ለህዝብ ለማሳወቅ ለጣረችው ወጣት ፊቷን ስታዞር አበቃላት፡፡ ይህ ርዕዮት ላይ ሆኗል፡፡ በቃሊቲ፣ በኢትዮጵያ ፍትህ እንዲህ አብቅቶላታል፡፡
posted By Daneil Aleyu Zeleke

Thursday, 25 September 2014

ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝን ለመቃወም በኒውዮርክ ሰልፍ ተጠራ

EMF) በኒው ዮርክ የተባበሩት መንግስታት ስብሰባ እየተደረገ መሆኑ ይታወቃል። በዚህ ስብሰባ ላይ ለመሳተፍ የብዙ አገራት መሪዎች የተገኙ ሲሆን፤ የኢትዮጵያው ጠ/ሚ አቶ ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝም በዚሁ ስብሰባ ላይ ተገኝተዋል። በኒዎ ዮርክ የሚገኙ ኢትዮጵያውያንም በኢትዮጵያ መንግስት የሚደገውን ጥቁር ሽብር በመቃወም፤ ዛሬ ሃሙስ ከጠዋቱ 11፡00 ኤ.ኤም – 1፡00 ፒ.ኤም የሚቆይ የተቃውሞ ሰልፍ ለማድረግ ተዘጋጅተዋል። ለኢ.ኤም.ኤፍ የደረሰው መረጃ እንደሚያሳየው ከሆነ፤ ከላይ በተጠቀሰው ቀንና ሰአት ላይ የተቃውሞ ድምጽ ለማሰማት ኢትዮጵያዊያኑ በ47 Street & 1st Avenue መገናኛ ላእይ እንዲገኙ ጥሪ ቀርቧል።
posted By Daneil zeleke

Crimes Against Womanity: Marriage by Abduction in Ethiopia

The truth is stranger than fiction
In my September 7 commentary, DIFRET: The Abduction of a Film in Ethiopia, I expressed my outrage over the aborted Ethiopian premiere of the film DIFRET. That film, based on a “true story” of Aberash Bekele, tells the dramatic story of a teenage victim of the inhuman and barbaric practice of  “telefa” or “marriage by abduction/abduction of child brides” in certain parts of Ethiopia. The screening of that film in Addis Ababa on September 3 was halted seconds before it was scheduled to start. The director of  DIFRET, Zeresenay Berhane Mehari, took the stage and announced with consternation and dismay:
Distinguished guests, ambassadors, we were just told by the police that we have to stop this film because there is a court order on it. We have not been informed prior to this. The Ministry of Culture knows about this and the government knows about this. This is the first time we are hearing it. This is obviously an attack on us and I am really sorry for this to happen and I hope we’ll see you again…
The “attack” on DIFRET was only the latest assault on free expression in Ethiopia by the ruling regime in that country. A month earlier in August, six popular independent publications including Afro Times, Addis Guday, Enku, Fact, Jano, and Lomi were shuttered and dozens of journalists were jailed or exiled. In July, the regime jailed the “Zone Nine bloggers” (named after a cell block holding political prisoners at the infamous Meles Zenawi Kality Prison just outside of the capital Addis Ababa), after illegally detaining them for some  80 days.  In the same month, the regime arranged the abduction of Andaragatchew Tsgie, General Secretary of the Ethiopian opposition group known as Ginbot 7 Movement for Justice, Freedom and Democracy, in Yemen.
The pernicious institution of “marriage by abduction” (marriage by rape) in Ethiopia
“Marriage by abduction” is undoubtedly among the most barbaric acts of cruelty in the annals of human history. It is practiced in different forms in many parts of sub-Sahara Africa and South Asia. In its common occurrence in Ethiopia, the young abductor-suitor, usually accompanied by his friends, would stalk the girl of his choice and literally hunt her down like prey. The young men often on horseback would suddenly descend upon the girl as she returns from market, school or walking about doing chores. She may be alone or with friends. Her abductor-suitor with the aid of his friends would drag and load his human prize on his horse and gallop away to a secret location. There she is repeatedly raped by her abductor for days or weeks until she becomes pregnant. When she becomes pregnant, the abductor would claim her as his wife by virtue of the fact that she is carrying his child. The abductor may send elders to the girl’s parents to mediate and legitimize the marriage with offers of compensation in the forms of cash or a few heads of cattle. Though there are other means of “marriage by abduction” such as collusive elopement, they are far and few between. This barbaric practice act has been criminalized in Ethiopia but it still persists and thrives to this day because of official indifference.
Although there are no systematic epidemiological studies of the consequences of “marriage by abduction”, there is ample anecdotal evidence to show that the underage girls who are victimized by the practice suffer major psychological and physical trauma and undergo life-threatening obstetric health problems including fistula. They also face high risks of acquiring deadly sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/AIDS from the rape.    
charlotte metcalfeThe making of “Schoolgirl Killer”: The real tragic story of Aberash Bekele
The tragic story of Aberash Bekele, a teenage victim of “marriage by abduction” in Ethiopia, was told to a global audience in a 1999 documentary “Schoolgirl Killer” [click here to see the full 50-minute documentary]).  Charlotte Metcalfe, the director of the documentary said the decision to make “Schoolgirl Killer” came about fortuitously. In 1996, Metcalfe made a film about “child brides in Bahir Dar [Ethiopia] working closely with Original Georgis at the Ethiopian Women’s Lawyer’s Association in Addis Ababa [EWLA].” As she describes it, she “attended a four-year-old’s wedding (during which I filmed a distressing scene of the small child bride crying uncontrollably) and followed the nuptials of 11-year-old Nibret.” That documentary was “Young Wives’ Tales”, commissioned by the United Nations Fund for Population and won a UNICEF award.
Metcalfe became aware of Aberash’s case when she saw Aberash’s photograph in the office of  EWLA in Addis Ababa. Metcalfe subsequently met Aberash, and after long discussions Aberash agreed to take part in a documentary. “I then went back to the UK to raise the money to make it.  On board were Brian Woods, the multi-award-winning film-maker at True Vision [a British television, film and documentary production company that has won numerous international awards for its human rights-related films] as producer and David Pearson, Commissioning Editor at the BBC’s renowned Under The Sun,” said Metcalfe.
“Schoolgirl Killer” is at once gripping, engaging, mesmerizing, captivating, dispassionate and compassionate. Metcalfe is a consummate documentarian who is able to tell the tragic story of “marriage by abduction” with sensitivity, subtlety, sympathy and compassion. Metcalfe demonstrates her consummate craftsmanship as a documentarian by simply setting the stage for the various protagonists –  Aberash, her parents and siblings, the parents of Aberash’s abductor, community elders, the lawyers, judges —  to tell their story directly to the viewer. Metcalfe rolls the camera as the tragic story of the institution of “marriage by abduction” is told from a variety of perspectives. Indeed, it seems that the various protagonists in the story are directing the film as Metcalfe held the camera. She does not editorialize or advocate and is not even judgmental, which is extraordinarily difficult not to be under the circumstances. That style of film-making is what makes documentary powerfully persuasive, provocative and even shocking to the conscience.
After watching the film, the viewer is challenged to react; but how does one react to a tragedy whose origins are lost in the fog of history and tradition but must be stopped before it replants its virus and destroy the coming generations of young Ethiopian girls and women? My reaction to “Schoolgirl Killer” was outrage against that institution as a monumental  violation of human rights followed by a commitment to campaign for its eradication from the face of the earth. I do not overestimate myself. As Marian Wright Edelman, founder of the Children’s Defense Fund said, “You just need to be a flea against injustice. Enough committed fleas biting strategically can make even the biggest dog uncomfortable and transform even the biggest nation.”
Metcalfe is “delighted that Aberash’s story has gained worldwide attention” and turned into a “a major movie [winning] great acclaim and prizes at the Sundance and Berlin Film Festivals.” But she is “saddened that there seems to be squabbling over who ‘owns’ the story.”  Metcalfe  “deeply believes that the story told in Difret is primarily Aberash’s story” and that any promises of financial compensation made to her should be honored. “After all, it was her courage and astonishing resilience at such a young age that makes the story so compelling.”
Metcalfe also noted that it is “wrong not to credit Schoolgirl Killer with bringing [Aberash’s] story to the public’s attention 15 years ago…  The production team and I worked very hard to turn this story into a film that we remain very proud of and we would appreciate being credited for forming the foundation for the story that Difret is based on.”
It is regrettable “Schoolgirl Killer” has not received the credit and acclaim it deserved in Ethiopia and throughout Africa. In my view, the documentary stands as an enduring and vital contribution to the cause of women’s human rights in Africa and elsewhere in the world.
 The “schoolgirl killer”: Aberash’s Story
Aberash’s story takes place in the town of Asela, the regional capital of Arsi, some 165 km away from the capital Addis Ababa. (But it could have taken place just as easily and as flagrantly in any other part of Ethiopia, including a few kilometers outside the capital.) Aberash is walking home from school with her friends one day when she is  corralled by a seven-man group of horsemen led by Gemechu Kebede, a 29-year old man hunting for a wife. Gemechu and his friends snatch Aberash and spirit her away to Gemechu’s family hut on the outskirts of the village where she is held captive. As Aberash describes it, it was as though she had come face to face with the “Seven Horsemen of the Apocalypse”. Her account of her ordeal is so nightmarish one could only imagine it happening in the days of the proverbial Caveman who would hunt down the female of his choice, slug her over the head with a club, drag her by the hair to the cave, rape her and emerge triumphantly beating his chest and announcing to the applause of fellow Cavemen that he has finally bagged his own Ms. Cavewoman.
posted By Daneil Aleyu Zeleke

Sunday, 14 September 2014

አኝዋክ ጀስቲስ ኦሞት ኦባንግን ለፍርድ ያቀርባል!!

MDG : Anuak Village in Southern Ethiopiaከአኝዋክ ጀስቲስ ካውንስል የተሰጠ መግለጫ
የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ፍረድህ ምንድነው?
የህወሃት ፍጹም ታማኝ ነበር። በተለያዩ ሃላፊነቶች በህጻናት፣ በወንድሞቹ፣ በእህቶቹ፣ በእናቶቹ፣ በአባቶቹ አጠቃላይ በኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ላይ በሰራው ወንጀል በህግ ይፈለጋል፣ በህግ የሚፈልጉት ኢትዮጵያዊያን ብቻ ሳይሆኑ ዓለም አቀፍ የፍትህና የመብት ተሟጋቾች ናቸው። ህወሃትን ክዶ በስደት ከሚገኝበት አገር እጁን እንዲሰጥ ጥሪ ቀርቦለታል። ይህ “ሰው” በጋምቤላ ክልል የፖሊስና የጸጥታ ሃላፊ የነበረ። የደህንነት አመራር ነበረ። ክልሉን በፕሬዚዳንትነት ለዓመታት የመራ፣ በጅምላ ለተጨፈጨፉት የአኝዋክ ንጹሃን ደም ቀዳሚ ተጠያቂ ነው ኦሞት ኦባንግ !!
ኦሞት በዴሰምበር 13/ 2003 በጅምላ ጄኖሳይድ ለተፈጸመባቸው ከ424 በላይ የአኝዋክ ንጹሃን ዜጎች ፣ በአስር ሺህ የሚቆጠሩ ዜጎች ስደት፣ መረታቸው በግፍ ለተነጠቁና በጠመንጃ ለተፈናቀሉ ዜጎች ግንባር ቀደም ተጠያቂ መሆኑን ከአገራችን የቀበሌ ነዋሪ ጀምሮ እስከ ዓለም አቀፍ ደረጃ በማስረጃ የሚታወቅ ነው። ኦሞት በጋምቤላ ለፈሰሰው የንጸሃን ደም ” ነጻ” ሊሆን የሚችልበት አንድም አግባብ የለም። ድርጅታችን አኙዋክ ጀስቲስ ኦሞትን ፍትህ አደባባይ እንደሚያቆመው ቅንጣት ያክል የማይጠራጠረውም ለዚህ ነው። ከተሰወረበት ፊሊፒንስ አድኖ ለመያዝ አስፈላጊው ስራ እየተሰራ ነው።
ጄኖሳይድ ዎች ፣ የሂውማን ራይትስ ዎችና ከአኝዋክ ጀስቲስ ጋር አብረው ሲሰሩ የነበሩት የአይ ሲሲ / የዓለም አቀፉ የወንጀለኞች ፍርድ ቤት ጠበቆች/ በጋራ ኦሞት ኦባንግን ህግ ፊት ላማቅረብ እየሰሩ ነው። ኦሞት ከተሰሰገበት ፍሊፒንስ ወጥቶ ህግ ፊት እንዲቀርብ የሚደረገው ግፊት ባየለበት በአሁኑ ሰዓት የኦሞት አደባባይ ወጥቶ ” ታጋግሎ አታጋይ” ለመሆን መወሰኑ ዜና የሆነበት ምክንያት አልገባንም።
“የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ፍረድ፣ ፍርድህ ምንድን ነው?” ብለን ስንጠይቅ በህዝብ ዘንድ ያለውን የፍትህ ጥማት ዘንግተን አይደለም። እንደ ኦሞት አይነት በደምና በሙስና የተጨማለቀ ሰው ራሱን ነጻ ለማድረግ የሚናዘዘውን ኑዛዜ በጥንቃቄ እንድትመለከቱት ስለምንፈልግ ነው። ኦሞት ለኢሳት ከሰጠው መግለጫ ላይ ተቀንጭቦ ” በሰበር ዜና” በተላለፈው መልዕክት ” ኦሞት ወያኔን ለመታገል መወሰኑንና፣ በአኝዋክ ንጹሃን ዜጎች ላይ የተፈጸመውን ጭፍጨፋ አስመልከቶ ወንጀሉን የፈጸሙትን ክፍሎች ዝርዝር ሰጥተዋል” መባሉን ሰምተናል።
ኦሞት ኦባንግ ከክልል ፕሬዚዳንትነቱ ተነስቶ ወደ ፌደራል ጉዳዮች ሚኒሰትር ዳዔታነት ከተዛወረ በሁዋላ አገር ጥሎ እንደኮበለለ አስቀድሞ ሊያነጋግረን ሞክሮ ነበር። ወያኔንን ለመታገል መወሰኑን ገልጾልን ነበር። አስፈላጊውን መረጃ ለመስጠት ተማጽኖንን ነበር። በዓለም ዓቀፍ ደረጃ የተመሰረተበትን ክስ እንድናጠራለት/ ነጻ እንድናደርገው ሊማጸነን ሞክሮ ነበር። እኛ ግን እሱን ህግ ፊት ከማቅረብ የዘለለ ሃሳብና ፍላጎት ስላልነበረን ” እጅህን ለፍትህ ስጥ” የሚል መልስ ነበር የመለስንለት። “የዓለም ዓቀፉ የወንጀለኞች ፍርድ ቤት ቀርበህ ተናዘዝ” ነበር ያልነው ።
ትናንት በወገኖቹ ደም አጥንት ላይ ቆሞ ሲደንስ፣ በኢህአዴግ መገናኛዎች ላይ የወገኖቹን ነብስ ሲረግም የነበረ ወንጀለኛ በየትኛውም መስፈርት ለወገኖቹ ነጻ መሆን ይታገላል ብለን አናምንም። መታገልም ከፈለገ ራሱን ቅድሚያ ህግ ፊት አቅርቦ ነጻ ሊያደርግ ይገባል የሚል አቋም አለን። ትግል የሚመራው ስብዕና ባላቸውና በህዝብ ዘንድ ከበሬታ ባላቸው ወገኖች በመሆኑ አቶ ኦሞት ዲያስፖራውም ለመቀላቀል ያቀረበውን ምልጃ አበክረን እንቃወማለን። ዳግም ጄኖሳይድ አንለዋለን። በዚሁ መነሻ ጥንቃቄ ሊወሰድ እንደሚገባም እናሳስባለን። በቅርቡ ይፋ በሚሆነው የህግ አካሄድ ሁሉም ነገር ስለሚገለጥ ከሁሉም ወገን ማስተዋል ሊኖር እንደሚገባ ደግመን ደጋግመን ለመግለጽ እንወዳለን። እውነታው እየታወቀ እንደ ኦሞት ኦባንግ ካለ ወንጀለኛ ጋር ተባብሮ መሰራት የወንጀሉ ሰላባ የሆኑትን ንጹሃን የመካድ ያህል ሆኖ ይሰማናል። እንደ ኦሞት አይነት ወንጀለኞችን ወደ ትግል ማግበስበስ ኪሳራ ከመሆን እንደማያልፍ እናስገነዝባለን። ሳይውል ሳያድር እናየዋለን።
ኦሞት ኦባንግ በአኝዋክ ጭፍጨፋ ላይ እጃቸው አለበት የተባሉትን ሰዎች ሰም ዝርዝር መስጠቱ ተጠቁሟል። ድሮ ህግ ላይ ቀርቦ በማስረጃነት ሚዛን ደፍቶ መለስ ዜናዊ እንዲከሰስ ያስፈረደው ሰነድ ከመዘጋጀቱ በፊት ይህንን መሰሉ ትብበር ቢኖር በመጠኑም ቢሆን ባደነቅን ነበር። ዛሬ ሁሉም መረጃዎች ህዝብና ህግ ዘንድ ቀርበው ፍት በሚጠበቅበት ወቅት ላይ ጩኸት ከቶውንም አይገባንምና ኦሞት ኦብንግ መጀመሪያ ራስህን ነጻ እንድታደርግ እንመክርሃለን። ራስህን ሳትገደድ ለህግ አስረክብ!! ከዚህ ውጪ አሁን ማስተባበያ ማቅረቡ ጊዜው አይደለም። ለሂውማን ራይትስ ዎች የሰጠሃቸውን የጽሁፍ መልስ አንተነትህን ሊሸሽግ አይችልምና ካለህበት ታድነህ ህግ ፊት ከመቅረብህ በፊት ጊዜውን ተጠቀምበት።
ከአኙዋክ ጀስቲስ ካውንስል ጋር
መስከረም 13 ቀን 2014

DIFRET: The Abduction of a Film in Ethiopia By Prof. Al Mariam

What is the difference between the abduction of a young girl in a village and the “abduction” of a film by a young filmmaker in a capital city?
“DIFRET” is an Amharic language feature film based on a “true story” of a teenager named Hirut (Tizeta Hagere, depicted in Sundance poster above) who is a victim of the inhuman and barbaric practice of “telefa” or abduction of “child brides” in certain parts of Ethiopia. (The word “difret” has multiple meanings including “courage”, “the act of raping a woman and  dishonoring her,  and “insolent audacity”.) The film is written and directed by Ethiopian filmmaker Zeresenay Berhane Mehari and executive produced by Angelina Jolie. DIFRET won the 2014 Audience Award at both the World Cinema Dramatic competition at Sundance Film Festival and the Berlin International Film Festival. The film has been screened in various locations in the U.S., Europe, South Africa, Israel and Australia. (For a fascinating YouTube discussion of DIFRET with filmmaker Zeresenay and commentary by extraordinary young Ethiopian women and others, click here.)
According to a review in Variety, DIFRET is the story of a teenage girl who was “walking home from school one day [when] she’s abducted by seven armed men, one of whom had already been refused her hand in marriage. Locked in a hut, she’s raped that night by her ‘suitor,’ then manages to escape the next day with his rifle; in terror, she shoots him dead when cornered. And no matter that Hirut has been raped and beaten, local justice decrees that she be executed for murder (then buried with her victim).” (The barbaric crimes of “telefa” or abduction and rape of teen girls and child marriages are tolerated and condoned not only in parts of Ethiopia but also in many other parts of Africa. (Fifteen of the 20 countries with the highest rates of child marriages are in Africa.)  Meaza Ashenafi (Meron Getnet), an indefatigable lawyer who had founded her own legal aid group takes up Hirut’s legal defense. The film is said to show the underlying tension between civil and customary law and the subjugation of rural women in certain parts of Ethiopia.
By all accounts, the film is not at all political or critical of the regime in Ethiopia today. It does not sideswipe or portray the regime in bad light. According to the Sundance Film Festival, “Ethiopian-born writer/director Zeresenay Berhane Mehari portrays, with panoramic beauty, the complexity of a country’s transformation toward equal rights, featuring the courageous generation that dares to own it.”  A review in the Huffington Post observed that the film depicted the way in which Hirut and her lawyer Meaza, “succeeded in their legal challenge to telefa, the ancient Ethiopian practice of abduction into marriage. The film about Hirut’s case marks a courageous moment that opened a new and better chapter in Ethiopian history.”
Zeresenay  In March 2014, filmmaker Zeresenay explained why the Ethiopian premiere was delayed for several months. It appears Zeresenay wanted to have the world premiere of DIFRET in Ethiopia but was completely overtaken by the sudden and wide international acclaim the film received from the very beginning. Zeresenay explained:
[We] finished cutting the film in the winter [January 2014] and right after that we were accepted at Sundance; and we had to go to Sundance. And five days later, we were in Berlin. So we didn’t have time to actually go to Ethiopia because we wanted to do it proper… Proper means actually having an opening, a premiere, acknowledging the actors, the people who helped make the film, and inviting people that are interested in the media and film and people close to this issue.
Zeresenay kept his word and arranged for a “proper Ethiopian premiere” in September 2014, but he was completely blindsided to the oncoming train wreck.  He had simply underestimated the bottomless depravity and vengefullness of the thug regime in Ethiopia. In an interview with film director Roger Ross Williams at the Sundance Film Festival in January 2014, Zeresenay was asked if he was concerned about the potentially controversial nature of DIFRET if shown in Ethiopia, implying that it could be banned. Zeresenay was fully confident there would be no problems at all.
Williams: This is a serious issue [child bride abductions], a complicated issue. It is probably going to be controversial in Ethiopia.
Zeresenay: This is a true story that happened and the people have participated and voiced their opinions when the case was televised and on the radio and in the newspapers every day.  I don’t think we are going to have any trouble in bringing the story alive again. It is not even a concern for me. If it would be a concern, the only thing that I might think will be a little bit of a challenge for us is to be able to have the audience get into a different style of film making… I have a good feeling about it.
Zeresenay simply did not understand the perverted thug mind. He naively believed the thugs in power in Ethiopia operate in a rational mindset and will actually let him show his film in the country. He was overly optimistic.  So the young Ethiopian filmmaker was left to contemplate the wisdom of the verse of the old Scottish poet Robert Burns: “The best laid schemes of Mi
poseted By Daneile Zeleke

Saturday, 6 September 2014

Ethiopia's Meles Zenawi: Legacies, memories, histories

Distorted rhetoric and commemorative acts seek to obfuscate the true dictatorial legacy of Ethiopia's late leader.
August 20 marked the second anniversary of the death of Ethiopia's long-time leader, Meles Zenawi. Two years on, the Zenawi phenomenon is still as divisive as it is unsettling. For his supporters, Zenawi is a statesman and a visionary leader that represents not only the hopes and aspirations of "the new Ethiopia" but also "the African renaissance". For those who were excluded and marginalised under his rule, Zenawi is the symbolic personification of a tyrannical system that violently quashed their desire for freedom and justice. Still for others, he is a complex figure that condenses within himself the qualities of a political genius and a seasoned dictator. In the words of The Economist: "the man who tried to make dictatorship acceptable."
Two years on, the spectre of Zenawi hangs over the Ethiopian state. His name, his policies, and his visions still provide the cement that keeps together the ideological edifices of the Ethiopian state. His successors elevate him to a pure symbol, take pride in and identify with his legacies. The constant invocation of Zenawi by regime officials gives the impression that the entire social and political order of the state is predicated on the image and imagery of a single man. The "Meles Legacy" has become a grand memory work - an archive that condenses within it a great many different things for a great many different people.
Legacy and the politics of archives
Zenawi now belongs to the archives. But archives are pivotal - "great historical watchtowers" or "observation posts" from which we can access and observe the past. In archives, we see the random elements and the minute details of our identity. Archives are not just about remembering and understanding the past. In fact, at stake in every recounting of the past is not the past as such; it is the future. In his seminal essay, "Archive Fever", French philosopher Jacques Derrida observes , the question of the archive is "a question of the future, the question of the future itself, the question of a response, of a promise and of a responsibility for tomorrow. The archive: if we want to know what that will have meant, we will only know in times to come." To speak about Zenawi's archives, then, is not to speak about the past: It is about the future.
But archives are contested spaces: They not only conserve but also produce and reproduce. Far from being neutral voids in which facts and events are placed, archives are active agents that participate in the production and reproduction of meaning. For every archive, there are counter-archives. For every narrative, there are counter-narratives. It is precisely for this reason that Zenawi's legacy has become such an important site of political struggle in Ethiopia today.
Zenawi's archives
As a man who played the single most important role in Ethiopia's history of the last two decades, Zenawi is a giant in that archive. When asked by Al Jazeera's Andrew Simmons about the legacy he leaves behind, Zenawi said, "I would like to be remembered as someone who got Ethiopia off to a good track, democratic one, […] where Ethiopia's proverbial poverty begins to be tackled in an effective way; I would like to be remembered as someone who has started the process."
During his funeral ceremony two years ago, his successor, Hailemariam Desalegn called him a " visionary", an "intellectual", and a "technocrat" who has been " working for the renaissance Ethiopia and Africa". Jacob Zuma of South Africa called him " one of the greatest sons of the continent" while Paul Kagame of Rwanda recognised his unreserved support in the fight to end the Rwandan genocide and praised his "humble", "simple" but "meaningful life " . The most notable eulogy was delivered by then US Ambassador to the United Nations, Susan Rice, who depicted a rather erudite and progressive image of Zenawi. Rice spoke of "his world-class mind" : " he wasn't just brilliant. He wasn't just a relentless negotiator and a formidable debater. He wasn't just a thirsty consumer of knowledge. He was uncommonly wise." In many ways, he has built international reputation for himself as "the voice of Africa", and the West's key ally on "the war on terror".
Whatever the truth of these eulogies, Zenawi's domestic credentials are absolutely dismal . For the last two decades, Ethiopia consistently ranked as one of the most repressive states in the world. Susan Rice's own State Department chronicled a consistent pattern of grave violations of human rights including torture, arbitrary killings, restrictions on freedom of the press and expression, denial of religious freedoms, and the politicised use of its notorious anti-terrorism legislation. Contradicting her own government's documented practices of torture and other grave human rights violations, Rice's eulogies slips into an agonising denial that flies in the face of the facts .
Rice exploits the grandeur of US power and its enunciating force to rework the history of repression and torture. This reworking, as the Philosopher Michel Foucault says , functions to "ensure that the greatness of the events or men of the past could guarantee the value of the present". However, history cannot remain reworked. As Walter Benjamin's messianic but sublime insight reveals: " The past carries with it a temporal index by which it is referred to redemption. There is a secret agreement between past generations and the present one. Our coming was expected on earth."
Zenawi's counter-archives
Zenawi was a paradoxical figure who embodied the traits of a brutal dictator and a politico-economic genius, both unified in one. Just before the 2010 election in which Zenawi won 99.6 percent of the seats, Andrew Simmons sought an explanation for these two faces: "There are . . . those who say that you have two faces, you have a face for Davos, charming, a progressive and you have another face, which is totalitarian and repressive; how do you respond to that?" Zenawi's answer was misleadingly simple: "As far as I am concerned, what you see is what you get. No two faces, just one."
Those who are deprived of the means of narrative production by Zenawi see him as a man who used his omnipotent power and his knowledge of the politico-military complex to eliminate the very conditions under which alternative ideas and competent political operators could emerge. It is not simply that he built a system around himself, but deliberately established himself as the only leader able to supply the cement necessary to hold together the nation's internal ruptures. He might have helped Ethiopia achieve rocketing economic progress but this progress came at a cost of two decades of terror and repression.
The relentless memorialisation of Zenawi's legacy conceals, misrecognises, misrepresents, de-historicises, and ultimately erases the fundamental relationships of domination and inequality instituted by the order minted by Zenawi. Theses obsessive commemorative practices , i.e. events, parks, monuments, and institutions built up to remember and commemorate Zenawi have the purpose and effect of transforming everything about Zenawi into "a dazzling action" that can be appropriated by the order he founded and the sovereignty he left behind. It has the goal of transcribing his deeds into a discourse that ensures the sedimentation of these utterances into common-sense knowledge, into that which remains when everything is forgotten. This, then, is what is at stake in the struggle over the legacy of Meles Zenawi.
No doubt the darling of the West who outmanoeuvred his adversaries, Zenawi's domestic reputation is radically at odds with his international stature. In the eyes of his people, Zenawi was irredeemably authoritarian.
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Awol Kassim Allo is Fellow in Human Rights at the London School of Economics and Political Science.

posted BY Daneil Aleyu Zeleke

Monday, 1 September 2014

The Game of Thrones in Ethiopia By Prof. Al Mariam

The Game of Thrones in Ethiopia By Prof. Al Mariam

game_of_thrones101409081627In the “Game of Thrones”, (the book from which the internationally popular television series of the same name is adapted), rival lords among the ruling families clash violently to take over the kingdom of the Iron Throne. The internecine warfare rages on as the kingdom faces threats from otherworldly creatures. One of the battling lords in the story observes, “The common people pray for rain, healthy children, and a summer that never ends. It is no matter to them if the high lords play their game of thrones, so long as they are left in peace. They never are.” Another lord plaintively asks, “Why is it always the innocents who suffer most, when you high lords play your game of thrones?” 
Ethiopia’s own game of thrones is in full swing today behind the scenes as ordinary Ethiopians pray for rain, healthy children and peace. They ask, “Why is it always the antelopes who suffer most when hyenas and warthogs fight? For the “lords” fighting to capture the Paper Mache Throne of the Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), the question is which one of them will vanquish the rest and triumphantly seize the scepter of the late Kingpin Meles Zenawi who passed away in August 2012. My question is simply, “Who shall the shadowy powers that be behind the TPLF Paper Mache Throne anoint as their next Kingpin?  
The first quarter of the game to capture the Paper Mache Throne of the TPLF featured the “Fall of the House of Meles”. Meles last appeared publicly at the G20 Summit in Mexico on June 19, 2012. He looked very sick and extremely frail. He disappeared after that Summit and was never seen alive in public. Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) was the first to report that he had passed way despite vigorous denials by the regime. Perplexed, I wrote a commentary entitled, “Has Meles Gone AWOL?”.
The circus to cover-up Meles’ official absence immediately kicked into high gear under the media stage management of  “communication minister” Bereket Simon (a crocodilian character reminiscent of Saddam Hussien’s cartoonish minion “Chemical (or Comical) Ali” who spun fantastic lies about the defeat of American forces in press conferences long after American troops had parked their tanks and Humvees in downtown Bagdad). From the beginning, Simon stonewalled, sandbagged and obfuscated all information on Meles’ health and whereabouts. He gave press conferences offering cryptic and manifestly dubious explanations about Meles receiving medical care for some undisclosed minor health problem at some undisclosed location. Simon even claimed that Meles was on vacation due to exhaustion occasioned by long years of public service. Then- “deputy prime minister” Hailemariam Desalegn echoed Simon’s cryptic assurances, “There is no serious illness at all. It’s minor only. As any human being, he has to get medication and he’ll be coming back soon.” Meles never came back.
On July 18, an Agence France Press report citing “several diplomatic sources” reported that Meles “is in a critical state” at a hospital in Belgium and that “his life is in danger” and “might not survive”.  On August 1,  Bereket Simon said, “the prime minister’s health is in very good condition. The medical treatment and rest have improved his health. He is in a much better health condition than before.” He added, “The status quo is maintained – there is no change and there will be no change in the near future.” An official announcement issued on August 21 declared Meles had passed away. To this day, the cause of Meles’ death remains a closely guarded state secret.
In the second quarter of the game of thrones, Hailemariam Desalegn, the man who proclaimed that Meles “will be back soon” was anointed “Prime Minster” on September 15. Hailemariam is a protégé of Meles and served as his  step-and-fetch-it guy. His appointment was shrouded in secrecy and mystery fueling speculations that the shadowy kingmakers of the Paper Mache Throne (the blokes running the state within the state) were in some turmoil over his selection. Some postulated key TPLF kingmakers had agreed to appoint a patsy, a chump they can easily manipulate during a transitional period following Meles’ passing. With TPLF cadres in total “control” of the military, the police and security forces, the bureaucracy and their parasitical elites with a chokehold on the economy, Hailemariam was just the right puppet prime minister. He would willingly serve as throne-warmer until the 2015  “election” and buy the TPLF power brokers and kingmakers more time to ready one of their own for their Paper Mache Throne. His appointment would also please the international donors and loaners who wanted to see a quick and smooth transition so that they can continue with business as usual.  
Hailemariam’s selection posed no real problems or risks in the short or long terms. He has little or no independent political base of his own. In the highly unlikely event he should challenge the kingmakers or show signs of independence after his appointment, he could easily be replaced by another puppet. If push comes to shove, Hailemariam knew the Sword of Damocles hanged over his head by a single strand of hair. He was all too familiar with the fate of his predecessor “prime minister” Tamrat Layne who languished in jail for 12 years for alleged “corruption”.
The hard core witless TPLF cadres saw Hailemariam’s appointment as bad precedent, a direct threat to their monopoly on power and an affront to the “sacrifices” they have made in the bush fighting the previous regime. Meles’ Svengelain wife desperately wanted her husband’s job. The subliminal message in her funeral eulogy of her husband was not lost to the careful observer. She said she “will stand on the side of the Ethiopian people and make her contributions to ensure Meles’ aims, vision, plans and strategies are implemented in reality.” She sought to project the image of a former guerilla fighter with an iron will. That was not to be. She was upstaged, outmaneuvered and sidelined by a cabal of sly, cunning and serpentine palace intriguists.
Puppeteering Hailemariam was a tricky but smart move by the powers behind the Paper Mache Throne. They immunized themselves from any serious criticism by choosing a man who comes from a “minority” ethnic group.  Neither the “Amharas” nor the  “Oromos” (I use quotation marks on the ethnic nomenclatures because I believe in the oneness of the humanity of the Ethiopian people; I don’t believe in the social construct of ethnicity) could complain about his appointment for fear of being branded ethnic chauvinists or worse. It was a masterful sleight of hand.
My personal assessment and conclusion on the basis of the anecdotal evidence was that the kingmakers of the Paper Mache Throne had a much simpler reason for choosing Hailemariam. With all due respect, Hailemariam was not the brightest bulb on the TPLF Christmas tree at the time of his appointment. But he was Meles’ loyal gopher and yes-man. I have previously described him as a “ceremonial” or “marionette” prime minster. Perhaps phrases borrowed from Meles’ wife (quoted in Ermias Legeses’ Amharic book YeMeles Tirufat [“Meles’ Legacy”] describing one of her opponents), would be more descriptive: Hailemariam is “a man without an idea. He lies down when he is told to lie down. He stands up when he is told. He is a conduit [echo chamber]”. Indeed over the past two years, he has proven to be a flunkey for the TPLF powers behind the Paper Mache Throne. He has amplified and reverberated what he is told by his TPLF bosses. He seems to be perfectly happy as a kid in a candy store playing his role as a public relations (PR) jockey for the TPLF powers that be. He also seems totally  oblivious of the fact that he was given the job to put a human face on a monstrous regime. In his public speeches and interviews, he comes off as a bewildered and befuddled petty bureaucrat. He has proven to be a Bush-esque character given to gaffes, malapropisms and non sequitur reasoning.  
I must also confess that in a flash of ironic humor, it did occur to me that the TPLF kingmakers could have chosen Hailemariam for his professional qualifications as a sanitary engineer. What better expert could they find to cleanup  all of the mess, garbage and junk Meles left behind than a sanitation engineer trained in the science of removal and disposal of human and other solid waste? (Likewise, as a sanitary engineer-cum-prime-minister, I wish Hailemariam would have done something to create effective storm water drainage, sewerage and flood control systems in the urban areas and provide a reliable supply of safe potable water in the countryside.)  
I trust Hailemariam will be wise enough to refrain from and avoid the inflammatory rhetoric of Meles as he begins his new office and show humility and not display the belligerence, arrogance and hubris of his predecessor. I hope he will do more to reach out to his opposition and try to work with them, and not trap himself in a bubble surrounded by sycophants. I trust he will be more conciliatory than confrontational; more understanding of the opposition and their frustrations and less condemnatory of those who may disagree with him. I hope he will have the wisdom to understand the inebriating power of power and the absolutely corrupting nature of absolute power and learn to use power wisely by tempering it with justice and compassion. I hope he will listen more and lecture less; under promise and over deliver and show respect for institutions, his opposition and his compatriots. On a personal level, I hope he will be able to share my unshakeable belief in the sanctity of human rights and commitment to upholding the rule of law. But I also have a special wish for him: He has a long walk to make and he can get to his destination if he walks and strives to help his compatriots walk in Mandela’s shoes than anyone else’s.
All of the above proved to be the pipe dreams of a utopian Ethiopian. Once Hailemariam became “prime minister”, it was difficult to determine whether he is  Hailemariam or Meles-incarnate. He was manifestly a Meles-wannabe. Listening to him was like listening to a reincarnated Meles. In his public statements, speeches and interviews, he seemed like he was channeling Meles at a seance. He mimicked Meles’ mannerisms. Like Meles, he assumed airs of  intellectual pretentiousness and pedantry. His body language emoted Meles’ hollow arrogance. His zombie-like mantra became “I will follow the work and uphold the legacy our great visionary leader… I will stay the course… Renaissance… blah, blah…” He walked like Meles, swaggered like Meles and quacked like Meles. Is Hailemariam Meles?
In his first year in office, Hailemariam sounded like a broken record and robotically droning on about following Meles’ “vision” and footsteps and spearheading Meles’ “Renaissance” without any demonstrable understanding and appreciation of Meles’ professed aspirations. Hailemariam was clueless (or willfully ignorant) of Meles’ professed desires for his legacy. As I explained in my September 2012 commentary, “Ethiopia: Time for Radical Improvements”, Meles openly declared his “hope that [his] legacy” would be not only “sustained and accelerated development that would pull Ethiopia out of the massive deep poverty” but also “radical improvements in terms of good governance and democracy.” If Hailemariam genuinely understood and sought to honor and pay homage to his political mentor, teacher and master and implement and sustain his vision and legacy, instead of just paying lip service to Meles’ memory, he would have made the task of radically improving good governance and democracy job one. These improvements would have necessarily started with the immediate release of all political prisoners, repeal of anti-terrorism, civil society and other oppressive laws and a declaration of allegiance and practice of the rule of law. Hailemariam chose (was told to) to talk of Meles as if he were a dead pontiff with miraculous powers.    
During his two year tenure as “prime minister”, Hailemariam has shown an embarrassing lack of familiarity with the principle and operation of the rule of law. There is arguably no more compelling anecdotal evidence which shows Hailemariam’s depth of sheer ignorance of the rule of law than his shockingly uninformed and self-congratulatory observations on the light rail being built in Virginia. In a very recent videotaped interview, this is what Hailemariam said (forward clip to 25:00 min; English translation below) :               
Yesterday, I met the Governor of Virginia. When I visited here seven years ago, they had started their light rail. Their light rail had been delayed by 7 years. I asked him why it was delayed. What the Governor told me was that there were insurance issues, property issues, this issue and that issue. That is why it took a long time. [The Governor said they] are thinking of phase two. We have already completed 47 kilometers [in our light rail in Addis Ababa]. We are finishing it in 3 years. Here in Virginia, the big country, it has taken them 7 years. This is the level [of advancement] our country has reached. 
It was stunning to listen to these words. How true Goethe’s epigram, “There is nothing more frightening than to see ignorance in action.” Hailemariam revels in the fact that he was able to outdo the bungling  “big country of Virginia” by completing his light rail in three years as. The poor Virginians were limping along to complete far fewer miles in seven years. He was so proud to teach the Yankees  a thing or two about building light rail! (Time will tell how long the “tofu” rail line being built by the Chinese will last. I am willing to put may last dollar on the first hard rain!)
Of course, Hailemariam is clueless that in America all land is not owned exclusively by government or a gang of bush thugs masquerading as government. He has no idea that the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution limits the powers of government in taking private property for public use and that it must pay just compensation and demonstrate a public purpose for the taking. What Hailemariam ignorantly dismisses as “insurance and property issues” in Virginia are actually complex eminent domain issues involving multitudinous private parties and complicated statutory and constitutional litigation. There were challenges to the “quick take” (without judicial review) authority of the state and federal governments in building the rail line. There were knotty constitutional issues involving state and federal powers in rail line construction and the role and authority of municipalities in rail line related construction activities. There were protracted challenges to condemnation proceedings, fairness of the just compensation offered and other critical procedural due process issues.
The “issues” Hailemariam dismisses as “this issue or that issue” have deep roots in Nineteenth Century land acquisition politics and the way in which railroads acquired fee simple ownership or perpetual easements in the land under the tracks carrying their trains. Hailemariam seems to think that the federal and state governments in the U.S. could simply grab land by the stroke of the pen or bureaucratic fiat and hand it over to their cronies, family members, cadres and political supporters. It is alleged Hailemariam received higher education in America, but his dismal lack of elementary knowledge on the American political and constitutional process is nothing less than shocking. But it is never too late to learn: Property rights are so highly respected in America that they are boldly secured against the encroachment of the federal government in the Fifth Amendment and the state and local governments in the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.   
Lately, Hailemariam has become manifestly delusional. He recently told  The Africa Report, “Everyone is now talking about the Ethiopian renaissance”. It is true that everyone is talking about Ethiopia – the descent of that country into the dark abyss of press censorship, crimes against humanity, stolen (or soon to be stolen ) “elections”, corruption and human rights violations.  Hailemariam still repeats ad nauseum the same fabrication he proclaimed in his eulogy at Meles’ funeral. “Our great leader Meles Zenawi has been the chief architect of our country’s renaissance, which has been assured by double-digit growth over the last eight years.” The claim of double-digit growth is simply not true as everyone who has read my commentary “The Voodoo Economics of Meles Zenawi” knows.  (Perhaps Hailemariam does not like to read “long” commentaries.) 
In the third quarter of the game of thrones, Hailemariam has become the “Prime Minster of Dystopia”.  “If we remain committed to the ideals of justice, liberation and above all the sanctity of human dignity, we can ultimately prevail over evil, no matter how stacked the odds are against us,” pontificated Hailemariam at Nelson Mandela’s state funeral in Qunu in the Eastern Cape. Under Hailemariam’s “prime ministership” of the TPLF Paper Mache Throne, things have gone downhill. Under his watch, evil has prevailed in Ethiopia as thousands have been arbitrarily arrested and jailed. Just in the past few weeks,  young men and women barely in their 20s have been arrested and jailed for “terrorism” merely for blogging on Facebook and speaking their minds on other social media.  This month, six popular independent publications including Afro Times, Addis Guday, Enku, Fact, Jano, and Lomi were shuttered and dozens of journalists jailed or exiled as a consequence. Dozens of Ethiopia’s best and brightest journalists have been languishing in subhuman prisons throughout the country.  Hailemariam has recently graduated to become a Mafia Don of sorts contracting international kidnappings and abductions. He “authorized” the abduction of Andaragatchew Tsgie, General Secretary of Ginbot 7 Movement for Justice, Freedom and Democracy, an Ethiopian opposition group, in Yemen.  In 2014, Ethiopia is ranked as the second poorest country (for the fourth successive year) on the planet by the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHDI) Multidimensional Poverty Index (formerly annual U.N.D.P. Human Poverty Index). Yet Hailemariam polyannishly does a song and dance to the tune of, “Everyone is now talking about the Ethiopian renaissance”.
End game for the TPLF Paper Mache Throne
In the final quarter of the game of thrones, the question is: Who will be the Kingpin of the Paper Mache Throne following the 2015 “election”? I have shared my general views on the question in my commentary “Of Elections and Diapers in Ethiopia in 2015”. The word “election” is a misnomer and a misrepresentation of the reality. Election charade or games of election musical chairs are more accurately descriptive phrases. The outcome of the election game in 2015 is a foregone conclusion. The only unanswered question is whether the margin of victory will exceed the 99.6 percent of the 2010 election. Meles will roll in his grave if his party should “win” the 2015 “election” by less than 99.6 percent.
In the end game, Hailemariam is a goner! Toast! They used him; they’re going to lose him. But the powers behind the Paper Mache Throne have a humongous problem. Where will they find a Meles equivalent? In their game of thrones, there was only one Meles Zenawi—the brain, the brawn and the brand. Without their demi-god, they are lost.  They now find themselves in the proverbial land of the blind where the one-eyed man is no longer king. They are all in the dark now and they cannot find their way out.
The powers behind the TPLF Paper Mache Throne need a man like Meles to stay in power. Meles was a unique figure in the TPLF cosmogony. He was clever enough to anticipate and thwart the moves of his bungling opponents while keeping the contending forces in balance through threats, bribes, persecutions and prosecutions. He knew how to handle them all. He had dirt on all of them. He knew what made each one tick. He knew all of them could be bought and sold on the cheap. He was always five steps ahead of them as they stepped back 10 steps to count and wallow in their stolen loot. In the End Game, the powers that be behind the Paper Mache Throne in the post-Meles season are facing the classic thieves’ dilemma: Thieves and robbers do not fight when they steal and rob but when they sit down to distribute the stolen loot. Which thief will be the next Kingpin of the Paper Mache Throne?!
When they appointed Tedros Adhanom, the malaria researcher, to become “foreign minister”, they were clearly sending the signal that they are grooming him for the prime minister’s job in 2015. Only in Ethiopia would a man with no experience or training in high stakes world diplomacy be appointed “foreign minister”. (Nepotism, cronyism and neopatrimonialism are the modus operandi of the ruling regime there.) They wanted him to get some visibility and international “experience” until 2015 while allowing him to cultivate good will to forestall internal opposition and gain broader acceptance. Are we waiting to witness the “transfer of power” from a sanitary engineer to a malaria researcher on the Paper Mache Throne2015 election?
Adhanom simply does not have what it takes to be a “foreign minister” or “prime minster”. His response to the  abuse and deportation of Ethiopian domestic workers and refugees in Saudi Arabia last November was not only pathetic and incredible but also reprehensible and demonstrative of the man’s ineptitude in the job. As I expressed my outrage in my commentary,  “From the Ethiopian Fire Into the  Saudi Arabian Frying Pan”, Adhanom said what happened to Ethiopian domestic workers in Saudi Arabia came to him “as a complete surprise” and “we never expected that this would happen”. As “foreign minister”, Adhanom did nothing to anticipate and plan for reasonably foreseeable events affecting those workers, including the need for potential mass evacuation and mitigation of violence by the Saudi police and mobs.  He had at least six months advanced notice to prepare following immigration policy changes by the Saudi regime. Adhanom bungled through that human disaster. (Little has been done to rehabilitate o or resettle the tens of thousands who were repatriated from Saudi modern slavery.) What blew my top off was Adhanom’s nauseating statement: “Ethiopia would like to express its respect for the decision of the Saudi Authorities and the policy of deporting illegal migrants.”  He actually said that!!!
I personally do not think it will make a difference who they eventually put on the Paper Mache Throne. I don’t think replacing Tweedle Dee Hailemariam with Tweedle Dum Adhanom or Tweedle Dee Anybody Else will make much of a difference. As President Obama liked to say, “ You can put lipstick on a pig, but at the end of the day it is still a pig.” You can put a thug in a designer suit, give him a fancy title, hand him a fancy briefcase and put him on the throne. At the end of the day, you still have a thug on a throne. You can paint the face of a thugogracy with election makeup and lipstick to make it look like a democracy, but at the end of the day a thugogracy is still a thugogracy! The 2015 “election” will not produce good governance, respect for human rights or observance of the rule of law in Ethiopia.
On a separate point, I believe the contenders and pretenders to the TPLF Paper Mache Throne are undergoing a real existential crisis in the form Jean Paul Sartre metaphorically represented in his play “No Exit”. They have made life hell for the people of Ethiopia and now they must stand perpetual sentry in the hell they created for others. The fact of the matter is that they know deep in their hearts their political power and ill-gotten wealth is meaningless because they are totally and completely rejected by the vast, vast majority of the Ethiopian people. They know they are held in utter contempt by the people. One need only listen to audio clips of statements by two top regime officials posted online recently expressing  deep dismay over the fact that they have been betrayed by the very individuals they recruited and promoted to high positions and others they helped amass great fortunes; move sound bar on clip to 1:09:00.). They know they can trust no one including themselves. They know the vast majority of the cadres they recruited and trained for over two decades will be the first ones to sell them down the river for a dime when the opportunity presents itself. Ermias Legese’s book, “YeMeles Trufat”, is Exhibit A. That book is a stinging and devastating  indictment of the corruption, incompetence and pettiness among the contenders and pretenders to the Paper Mache Throne. (Ermias Legese, until recently, was a “minister of state” for the ruling regime in Ethiopia; he now lives in the U.S. )  The book depicts the low-intensity warfare that has been  going on over the past decade between and among TPLF power brokers and the cadres they have minted from other ethnic groups to give the impression of political pluralism. Ermias’ book suggests that the all of the top contenders and pretenders to the Paper Mache Throne are emperor-wannabes with new clothes. According to Ermias, the top leaders of the regime (with third grade education, diplomas from bogus online diploma mills and ghost written doctoral dissertations for those who “attended” credible higher educational institutions) are not qualified to run the dog catcher’s office let alone lead a complex country like Ethiopia. They are in it for the money. They should take it and run.
There was once an Iron Throne that ruled Ethiopia for a thousand years. The lords of that kingdom believed they had a birthright and a divine right to rule. That Throne in the end vanished over a few months never to return. Today the lords of the TPLF Paper Mache Throne also believe they have a birthright to rule. They hope to keep in perpetuity the mantle of ultimate power—the office of prime minster. They believe their Paper Mache Throne will last a hundred years. As they like to remind us every chance they get, they established their Paper Mache Throne through the barrel of the gun. They sure ain’t gonna let nobody disestablish it through a paper ballot!
 “Freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed.” Martin Luther King, Jr.
posted By Danei Aleyu Zeleke